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Economic Recovery for all

The Roots of the Crisis 

The unregulated growth of a wildly speculative 

financial system – that is, a frantic attempt to “make 

money on money” rather than from productive 

investment – and the steady decline of the purchasing 

power of the global working class are the two main 

causes of the current near-depression. The global 

economic crisis stems, in part, from the classic case 

of underpaid workers overall not having money to 

buy the very goods they make. To compensate for 

their loss of purchasing power, American working 

families turned to credit cards and borrowed against 

inflated home equity values. Once the housing 

bubble burst, as all economic bubbles eventually 

do, the intricate financial world of collateral debt 

obligations and credit-default swaps came tumbling 

down, taking with them working families’ ability to 

sustain their living standards. 

Therefore, stricter government regulation of the 

financial industry must be central to any long-term 

economic recovery. The government must regulate 

the finance and banking industry so that it prioritizes 

providing credit on reasonable terms to productive 

enterprises. In addition, raising the floor under 

workers’ wages, benefits, and working conditions 

must be central to a long-term economic recovery 

program. 

Restore Working Families’ 

Purchasing Power 

The “economic recovery program” being debated 

in Congress must be large enough to revitalize 

consumer spending. Given that GDP declined by five 

percent in the fourth quarter of 2008, it is reasonable 

to expect that the economy will operate for some 

time to come at five percent or more below normal 

“full-employment” capacity. Thus, a stimulus 

program of roughly one trillion dollars per year, 

rather than the current Democratic House version of 

$825 billion over 2 years, would be wise. 

The most disabling myth promoted by both the 

right and moderate Democrats is that government 

cannot efficiently spend large sums of money fast 

enough. But, as Robert Kuttner points out, the 

federal government could instantly engage in a 

trillion dollars of useful stimulus simply by writing 

checks. And here’s how. The federal government 

should: 

•  Provide $200 billion in block grants to state and 

local governments to make up for the annual 

loss in state and local revenue. 

•  Allocate $100 billion to pay for half the increased 

costs in Medicaid that states will face. 

•  Spend $100 billion to pay for COBRA coverage 

for laid-off workers and to allow people over 55 

to buy into Medicare. 

•  Use $50 billion to increase unemployment 

insurance and expand eligibility. (Currently 

only one-third of unemployed workers receive 

unemployment insurance!) 

•  Use $100 billion to expand the number of Pell 

grant recipients and to increase the grants. 

•  Move $450 billion to the Social Security Trust 

Fund so that workers would receive a one- 

year respite from paying the regressive FICA 

tax. Such a measure would radically stimulate 

consumer demand. 

Invest in Housing, Infrastructure and 

Alternative Energy 

The second part of a stimulus package should 

include longer-term investments that would 

restructure the American economy so that it depends 

less on an over-expanded financial sector and more 

on production of goods and services that benefit 

ordinary people. 

Congress should immediately create a modern 

version of FDR’s Home Owners Loan Corporation. 

This public entity should engage in direct federal 

lending to refinance distressed mortgages and, 

where necessary, reduce the outstanding principal 

amount. The initial cost might be about $200 billion, 

but most of the additional debt would eventually be 

repaid by home owners paying off newly affordable 

mortgages. 

To enhance the long-term competitiveness and 

efficiency of the economy, as well as generate 

millions of high-wage jobs, the federal government 

should invest in a broad range of infrastructure 

programs. These could include traditional outlays 

on roads, bridges and mass transit as well as 21st 

century infrastructure projects such as retrofitting 


homes, installing universal broadband, and creating 

a smart-grid electricity system. Major public 

investments should be made in green technologies 

and green jobs. Job training could especially target 

historically under-employed communities. While 

this program would cost $300 billion, the benefit in 

long-run growth would be incalculable. 

Moderate Democrats and Republicans will call 

for a “restoration of fiscal discipline” and “balanced 

budgets” at the first sign of economic recovery. 

What many of these “budget hawks” do not 

realize is that even in prosperous times the federal 

government should engage in long-term investments 

in infrastructure and research and development.  

Restoring a moderately progressive tax system in 

the United States and cutting exotic and outlandish 

defense programs would readily provide sufficient 

revenues to fund a vibrant and efficient public 

sector. 

Abolish Neo-Liberalism, 

Restore Financial Regulation, and Build 

Global Social Democracy 

Many of the Clinton re-treads in the Obama 

economic team supported the deregulation of  exotic 

financial instruments such as credit-default swaps. 

Therefore, strong popular pressure from below will 

be needed to achieve the re-regulation of the finance 

industry. The deregulation of the savings and loan 

industry that began under Jimmy Carter destroyed 

a New Deal institution that provided reasonable 

credit for the sole purpose of families purchasing 

homes. The subsequent destruction of the Glass- 

Steagall Act’s separation between commercial 

banking and finance banking led to “super banks” 

having the incentive to market to individual and 

institutional investors the very financial instruments 

they underwrote, regardless of the risk of these 

instruments. 

Paul Krugman correctly argues that the federal 

government should nationalize these insolvent banks 

and clean out their shareholders. The government 

should transfer these banks’ “toxic assets” to a 

special institution, a Resolution Trust Corporation; 

pay off enough of the nationalized banks’ debts 

to make them solvent; and sell the fixed-up banks 

to new owners. This would avoid the government 

paying an inflated value for the “toxic assets” that 

are dragging down the asset value of the banks. It 

would also enable taxpayers to recoup some of the 

TARP funds when and if the government sells to 

private investors those “toxic assets” that recover 

when the housing market stabilizes. 

In addition to democratically regulating the 

finance industry, a long-term economic recovery 

plan must include raising the floor under workers’ 

wages, benefits and working conditions. Universal 

health care coverage and restoring an effective legal 

right to form unions cannot wait. The restoration of 

the democratic right to form free trade unions in the 

United States – and the extension of that right around 

the globe through fair trade and labor rights accords 

with teeth – should play a central role in a new 

“global New Deal.” For if United States workers 

must compete with repressed workers abroad, then 

U.S. workers’ living standards will inevitably fall to 

the level of their competitors.  

A successful economic recovery act needs to 

restructure the U.S. economy so that it prioritizes 

the well-being of working people over the short- 

term drive for profit of unrestrained finance capital. 

Anything short of this democratic restructuring of 

U.S. capitalism will fail to address the root causes of 

the greatest global economic crisis since the Great 

Depression. 

Urge your Senators and Representatives to 

work for an economic recovery plan with 

more spending on infrastructure and no 

tax cuts for business: 202.224.3121. 

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