Copyright 1997 by Zeeshan Hasan. First published in Bangladesh in the Aug. 1, 1997 issue of Star Weekend Magazine.
Muslim societies
invariably struggle to define the place of religion in the political
realm. The results have been generally divisive and inconclusive; those
who consider themselves liberals holding secular views fall on one side,
and conservatives with a more traditionally religious view of the state
fall on the other. Unfortunately, this polarization results in both a
failure to acknowledge the religious beliefs of the populace, as well as
an inability to reinterpret those beliefs to promote greater human rights
and associated legal reforms. But as long as debate and compromise on the
subject of religion is not achieved, social reform will remain threatened,
as it will not be adequately assimilated into the popular religious
mind-set. While the current realities of progressive religion are indeed
depressing, the unexplored territory in this area is significant. In
particular, debates on modernizing Islamic laws have always focused on
individual Qur'anic verses and commands rather than taking a more holistic
approach; yet true reform requires an underlying change of attitude which
can only be accomplished by the latter. Muslims have yet to come to terms
with the Qur'an as sacred literature; the possibilities of extracting
reformist legal thought from its narrative passages as well as its legal
verses has been largely untapped. In fact one of the most famous Qur'anic
stories, that of Adam, is particularly significant in its potential for an
Islamic basis of human rights.
To begin, without trapping ourselves in the polarized
stalemate of religion-versus-secularism, we should realize that it is
impossible to view religion purely as individual faith isolated from
larger society. We often think of it as such, especially in the modern
context, as we are accustomed to analyzing society in terms of individual
rights. Freedom to choose one's religion is basic among these, and often
leads to the assumption of a theoretically secular state.
But things become very complicated whenever we begin
talking of "rights" of any sort. Society is a compromise among
individuals; rights and freedoms are inevitably defined and limited by it.
To live among others, one must behave in ways acceptable to them. Only in
isolation is the individual perfectly free. In effect, each individual is
faced with an implicit contract with society. The terms of the contract
are: behave in such-and-such a way, or face consequences. Individual
rights will be determined by this contract in accordance to the cultural
and religious norms of each community. Social change will be determined by
whether or not dissatisfied individuals have the power to force their
society to re-negotiate the contract.
In the above analysis, human rights appears to be in real
trouble, as it seems that there are ultimately no absolute rights of the
individual. The only rights that exist are those arbitrarily determined by
a particular society and the distribution of power in it. This may seem
shockingly amoral; but in fact society, as all other phenomena, exists
amorally. Only the ethical belief of a subjective observer can make an
arbitrary moral judgement as to how things "should" be. The problem which
human rights activism faces, then, is how to change the mind-set of enough
subjective observers/participants to make a difference to society. Given
the persistence of cultural norms, this will have to be accomplished
through an internal redefinition of values. So the essence of human rights
activism cannot be international conventions and agreements, but rather in
the fusing of human rights concepts with indigenous cultures.
When discussing individual rights in traditionally Muslim
societies, then, it is impossible to avoid talking in Islamic terms. The
deciding factor for any concept of human rights will be the extent to
which it can transform and then harmonize with the dominant culture.
Unfortunately, a real problem with reform of any kind in Muslim societies
today is that it is voiced in terms of secular ideologies such as Marxism
and feminism. While these ideologies have found considerable support and
helped human rights reforms in many ways, the fact is that they leave a
dangerously large chunk of the population out of the process of
progressive dialogue. In Muslim majority states such as Algeria and more
recently Afghanistan, this has led to a polarization of society which
ultimately becomes explosive.
So now the question becomes, how does one find support for
human rights within an Islamic context? The answer will have to be some
sort of new interpretation of sacred texts. This is the only way to combat
conservative religious views, which always derive authority from claims to
the "literal word" of scripture. Luckily, government naturally arises from
people, and only indirectly from texts; interpretation is what gives
meaning to scripture, not the "literal word". So one has to begin by
reinterpreting religion, and then popularizing such reinterpretations
wherever they are useful.
With a certain sense of poetic justice, we may take up the
issue of human rights by examining the starting point of Qur'anic
narrative; namely the creation of Adam.
And We said to the angels, "Bow yourselves to Adam";
so they bowed themselves, save Iblis;
he refused, and waxed
proud,
and so he became one of the unbelievers.
{Surah 2
(al-Bakara), verse 32}
Interestingly, this is quite different from the Biblical
account. There it is all the beasts of the earth which bow before Adam,
who gives them names and is thus shown to be placed above all of them. In
the Qur'an, the animals are replaced by angels, signifying that man has
been elevated to an even higher level. But a further insight to the
passage is seen if we consider that the Biblical account states that "God
created Adam in His image" (Genesis 1:27). In the polytheist and
idolatrous environment of the ancient Israelites, the "image of God" is
something far more concrete than an abstract honorific. Literally it is
the "statue" or "idol" (Hebrew tselem) of God. And in an idolatrous
environment, an "idol" has a specific significance; it is the physical
thing that is to be worshipped as the most immediate symbol of the divine
presence. In the Islamic context, which includes a ritual prayer
comprising of bowing and prostrating, God's command to "bow down to Adam"
invokes even more strongly the image of believers bowing to worship God.
Some caution is of course required here, because both the
Bible and the Qur'an are extremely anti-idolatry. So neither should be
taken to mean that God is encouraging the worship of Adam in the manner of
a conventional idol. However, both Qur'an and Bible unquestionably use the
metaphor of God creating man out of earth, much as a potter might make a
clay statue. Furthermore, both talk of God then "breathing" life into him;
and in the Qur'an the implication is strong that this represents some sort
of transfer of holiness.
Then God formed man from the dust of ground, and
breathed into his nostrils the breath of life
(Genesis 2:7)
And when thy Lord said to the angels,
"See, I am
creating a mortal of a clay of mud molded.
When I have shaped him,
and breathed My own spirit in him
fall you down, bowing before
him!
(Surah 15, verse 29)
So it seems obvious that in spite of being critical of
idolatry, both the Bible and the Qur'an continue to make use of metaphors
strongly associated with it. Nor should this be surprising, as any text or
scripture must use the idioms of its surroundings if it is to make sense
in them. With regards to the Qur'an, Muslim scholars have always
recognized the importance of studying it in the context of pre-Islamic
Arab poetry; so the "cultural location" of the Qur'an in a non-Muslim
environment is already commonplace.
When we decipher all the metaphorical language about idols
and prostrated angels, what we have in this Qur'anic passage turns out to
be a symbolic lesson of great humanism. The divine decree contained in the
scene is this; of all created things, humanity is the most sacred and
worthy of respect. It is exactly the spirit of this passage which must be
invoked if an Islamic concept of human rights is to emerge.
Unfortunately, the humanist message of the Adam story has
generally been lost due to an emphasis on its importance as "religious
history". The traditional approach to Qur'anic study has ascribed first
priority to its explicitly legal verses; ethical interpretations of its
narrative has been largely an intellectual exercise without real
significance to society at large. This is an error which Muslim liberals
will have to rectify, as literature is extremely useful. It naturally
lends itself to different interpretations, which is exactly what Muslims
need to break the stranglehold of conservative views.
Muslims have always recognized that one of the purposes of
stories of the prophets was in the moral lessons that they contained. The
Adam story, for example, has an obvious message contained in the symbols
of forbidden tree and the disobedience of humanity; namely, that those who
disregard the divine commands will be punished. However, the overwhelming
conservatism of Muslim thought tends to strangle as rather dangerous any
attempt to draw ethical lessons from sacred narrative, preferring to stick
to the letter of the obviously legal verses of the Qur'an instead.
Furthermore, the modern view that tries to present the Qur'an as a
revelation full of "scientific fact" suppresses all attempts to view its
narrative as anything other than straight history. Undoubtedly the most
notable exception to the conservative position has been the Egyptian
scholar Muhammad Ahmad Khalafallah, who has done an unprecedented amount
of work in the field of de-historicizing and reinterpreting Qur'anic
narratives. His work has focused on the distinct lack of historical detail
in all Qur'anic narratives of the prophets (which really is striking
compared to the correspondingly huge amount of factual detail in the
Biblical accounts) and argued that Qur'anic passages were never intended
to be read as history, but only as moral stories. Unfortunately, his
writing has all been in Arabic and is not well known to most Muslims.
Conservative objection to the sort of reinterpretation of
sacred narrative done above is easy to predict; human rights activism was
not a pressing issue for the Arabs of Medina and Mecca. So using the story
of Adam in this way is, in one sense, forcing a meaning to the text which
may not have been intended. This is a perfectly reasonable objection when
made about most sorts of literature; normally, any piece of literature can
only be judged in its original context, as that is the only one in which
the authorial activity can take place and "original meaning" can be
located. However, divine literature is another matter entirely. As we must
suppose that God has knowledge of all times and circumstances, divine
scripture has the unique property of not being tied to any place or period
for its meaning. Since God must have known of all possible locations of
the text, the original moment of revelation can be regarded as only a
particular case in which the text has a particular meaning. But beyond
that it is possible for the text to be inherently flexible, with a
different set of "intended meanings" for different times and places. Thus
there is no reason for us to look for the "original meaning" of the
Qur'an; all that is necessary is that we find the interpretation
appropriate to our own circumstances. In fact this is imperative, as
otherwise the scripture becomes simply a relic without any real
significance to our own situation.
It becomes obvious, then, that an increased emphasis on
the Qur'an as sacred literature rather than simply a book of laws opens up
a vast possibilities for meeting the needs of contemporary Muslim
societies. One can only hope that the most pressing of these, of which
human rights is certainly one, will be dealt with quickly. A lot remains
to be done by academics in terms of reinterpretation; but more crucially,
reinterpretation has to find its way into religious education and mass
consciousness. The question is whether or not our educational institutions
are up to the challenge, and if not, what will be done to make them more
effective as agents of change.