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copyright 1998 by Zeeshan Hasan. First published in Bangladesh in the Apr. 14,
1998 issue of Star Weekend Magazine.Women's rights have become the
single most contentious issue for Muslim societies in this century. The
result has been quite a long and involved debate over "the place of women
in Islam", but almost no real progress. One of the main reasons is that
progressive Muslims' arguments have been restricted by traditional ideas
of Islamic law, which necessarily reduces the underlying question of
gender equality to piecemeal issues such as inheritance and divorce. While
this kind of legalist approach is valuable in that it raises questions
about some of the traditional laws governing women, it does not provide
the fundamental shift of viewpoint which is really necessary for gender
equality. This can only be achieved with a broader, historical
understanding of the Qur'an and its position regarding women. In fact, an
analysis of the revelatory context of the Qur'an, and the compromises
which it makes to accommodate that context, may allow us to seriously
reconsider whether there is any basis at all for the traditional body of
Islamic laws relating to women.
To fully understand the issue of women's rights in a Qur'anic
framework, we need to keep in mind both the religious and social context
of early Islam. As to the former, there is no question that the Qur'an
sees itself as the culmination of the Biblical tradition; hence Biblical
attitudes towards women become important. With regards to the social
context of the Qur'an, the fact of slavery and the patriarchal nature of
pre-Islamic society also need to be explored.
To begin, we may look at the religious background. Biblical analysis
yields interesting results; most Muslims do not know that in the early
Israelite tradition, wives could be spoken of as the property of their
husbands. An example can be drawn from the commandments revealed to Moses
on Mount Sinai, which interestingly mention adultery twice. First comes
the oft-quoted and well-known verse:
You shall not commit adultery. (Exodus 20:14).
Then, a few verses later, comes something quite interesting:
You shall not covet your neighbor's house; you shall not covet your
neighbor's wife, or male or female slave, or ox, or donkey, or anything
that belongs to your neighbor."
(Exodus 20:17)
The apparent repetition of the same commandment against adultery has a
simple explanation; the first verse speaks against adultery specifically
as sexual immorality, while the second speaks in general against coveting
one's neighbor's property; among which his wife is included. This is
remarkable, because if even free women can be viewed as property, then we
have to question whether the modern concept of "free woman" existed at all
in the Biblical context. In ancient times, slavery and marriage were more
similar in terms of gender relations than we tend to think; the obvious
difference, of course, being that wives could not be sold outright. But we
often forget just how patriarchal much of human history has been, and that
patriarchy does tend to view women as property. This may be because
earlier societies could not determine fatherhood, which could make it
difficult to assign any parental responsibility to men. But lack of
paternal responsibility would be wasteful; the economic output of males
could not contribute to the important task of child-rearing. A popular
solution seems to have been to restrict a woman to a singe male; hence the
contract we have come to know as marriage. However, we should note that
the exact nature of the marital bond remains flexible. Depending on the
circumstances, marital power relations could be equal or lopsided. In the
ancient Middle East at least, they seems to have historically developed
along the lines of owner and owned.
From the above, it becomes obvious why patriarchy is so common a
phenomenon. Simply put, it helped ensure resources for children from their
fathers. Interestingly, the above also points out the condition for the
end of patriarchy; it is no longer useful once fatherhood can be reliably
determined or a family supported by a single mother becomes economically
viable. Both of these do indeed become possible with industrialization.
Islam, like many traditional religions, was at the outset faced with
patriarchy as a given. The question, then, is in which direction and to
what extent it changes or reforms the surrounding system. First, though,
we must look at the pre-Islamic period, where we find that women were
again often reduced to property. This is most obvious in the case of
slavery. In addition to being the object of their owner's sexual appetites
through the custom of concubinage, slave girls could be forced to be
prostitutes by their masters, who would use them in this way for profit.
In the pre-Islamic context there is no stigma of immorality associated
with sex with slave-girls, so this is quite a logical course of events.
Slaves are property, and owners have the right to rent out their property
if they wish. However, the Qur'an removes this particular right on moral
grounds:
And constrain not your slavegirls to prostitution, if they desire to
live in chastity, that you may seek the chance goods of the present
life. {Surah 24 (Al-Nur), verse 33).
This is important, as it implies that even in the worst-case scenario
of enslavement, there are limits on the extent to which a woman can be
treated as property. This becomes more significant when we consider the
Qur'an's overall discouragement of slavery.
In the pre-Islamic context, slavery has a more profound relationship
with women's status that can now be dealt with. The pre-Islamic tribal
economy was dependent upon caravan-raiding: since the desert was poor in
resources, its inhabitant tribes needed to scavenge what wealth they could
from passing caravans. This gave society as a whole quite a martial
character, since raids could not be restricted only to caravans; once any
given tribe had successfully looted some wealth, it would naturally become
the target of further raids by neighboring tribes. Hence wealth would
enter the tribal economy and gradually be diffused among its members
through a process of continuous raiding. But this is precisely the
mechanism of enslavement; women captured from one tribe in a raid became
the slaves of their captors. In this context, "freedom" is almost a
misnomer for a woman; the dependence of the tribal economy on raiding
makes her either property or potential property. The real power in tribe
and family will always reside with the men, because women are always
dependent upon them for protection. Thus slavery in tribal society takes
away the independence of the free woman as well as that of the slave.
Now we are finally ready to deal with the advent of Islam. Moving from
a pre-Islamic to a Muslim context, one very important change develops; the
concept of woman as property begins to die. The Qur'anic reservations
about slavery in general, as well as enslaved prostitution in particular,
lead society eventually to the elimination of slavery and the end of
explicit equation of women with property. Unfortunately, even though
ownership has disappeared in law, it still survives in cultural attitudes;
the common male view of women still tends to be largely proprietary. In
Islamic law, the glaring example of this has been the opinion of most
jurists that it was impermissible for a free man to marry another man's
slave. This ruling has no support in the Qur'an, which on the contrary
recommends marriage to slaves if one does not have the money to marry a
free woman:
Any one of you who has not the affluence to be able to marry
believing freewomen in wedlock, let him take believing handmaids that
your right hands own; God knows very well your faith; the one of you is
as the other.
So marry them, with their people's leave, and give their wages
honorably as women in wedlock, not as in licence or taking lovers.
{Surah 4 (Al-Nisa'), verse 25}
The implicit reasoning for Muslim jurists in their ban on marriage
between free men and slaves seems to stem from a conflict of property
rights. Since marriage involves an implicit ownership of a woman, it puts
the husband in conflict with the explicit property-right of the
slave-owner. The difficulty in sorting out these conflicting claims of
ownership to the same woman made early Muslim jurists oppose marriage
between free men and slaves, in apparent disregard to the Qur'anic ruling.
A less technical example of the generally proprietary attitude to which
men have become accustomed can be found in the gender-segregation of
society and veiling of women outside their family circles. Although this
is couched in a language of morality, it is clearly not. If it were, men
could simply be charged to control themselves, and that would end the
discussion. Instead, the combination of veiling and seclusion is used to
restrict women within the "territory" of their menfolk in what is
fundamentally an assertion of exclusive rights, though these are no longer
spoken of in terms of property.
Having finally gotten through all the background material, we can begin
to investigate the Qur'an's view of women's rights. The approach of
traditional Muslim legalists would be to look at each of the specific
Qur'anic verses relating to women, and this is the trap into which
progressive arguments also fall. However, by definition this approach will
never take into consideration the broader cultural context, as this
influences the entire text rather than each individual verse. It makes
more sense locate the Qur'an's own most general rationale behind all those
individual verses about women and proceed from there. Fortunately, the
Qur'an does explicitly state a general position regarding women in the
following verse;
Men are managers of the affairs of women, for that God has preferred
in bounty one of them over another, and for that they have expended of
their property. {Surah 4 (Al-Nisa'), verse 34}
This is from Arberry's translation; Muslim conservatives have a
fondness for quoting the first portion out of context, often in yet more
authoritarian language than is used above. For example, Pickthall
translates the same verse as:
Men are in charge of women, because God hath made the one of them to
excel the other and because they spend of their property.
It is no coincidence that Pickthall's translation, and not Arberry's,
had the editorial approval of an Egyptian mullah. However, Arberry's is
just as correct, and arguably more faithful to the Qur'anic usage. The
word Arberry translates as "manager" (qawwaam in Arabic) comes from a
verbal root which basically means "to stand" (qama). It is often used with
an object to mean "to stand over", in the sense of supervising or
commanding (hence Pickthall's "in charge of"). However, when used in
particular with dependents, it has the sense of "to stand with"; that is,
"to maintain" or support financially. Likewise the verb which Pickthall
translates as "to excel" (faddala) has a meaning of "to exceed" or "be in
surplus", and is used here in a causative form, meaning "caused to exceed"
(hence Arberry's "preferred"). But the question then arises as to what
capacity God causes men to exceed in over women; Arberry uses the implicit
answer, "bounty". This is justifiable as the same verbal root produces the
word fadl, which the Qur'an uses frequently for "wealth". Altogether, the
more economic translation of Arberry fits much better, particularly
because the last part of the verse makes it clear that economics is
precisely the issue here. Pickthall, by ignoring the economic context
entirely until the last few words, where he is forced to acknowlege it,
presents the more conservative case for unqualified and unquestionable
male superiority.
When we look at the entire verse, then, we find that it is not
prescribing unequal status for women at all. Rather, it is making a
conditional statement about the particular circumstance specified in the
last words: "because they expend of their property". This condition
specifies that men's role as "managers" is only applicable as long as they
have the dominant economic role. The unequal status of genders described
then become simply a statement of fact for the historical surroundings of
the revelation, and hardly a suprising one. In the patriarchal society in
which the Qur'an found itself, it was often the case that men were the
controllers of wealth, and so their dealings with women would be from a
position of power. But most importantly, this verse is not saying that the
patriarchal situation is necessary or desirable. Rather, this is simply
one of the many instances where the Qur'an acknowledges its surroundings.
But the link made between women's economic and social status is of
incredible significance; its implication is that when women are
independent financially, they become equal to men in other respects as
well.
This single verse, then, is potentially the end of all "Islamic" laws
which differentiate genders. The only question which remains is to ask why
all those Qur'anic verses which actually do deal with divorce and
inheritance are there at all. But the answer emerges immediately from the
historical analysis above; since the Qur'an was revealed in the context of
a long patriarchal tradition (which would in fact continue to be so until
the changes brought about by industrialization only a century ago), it was
forced to provide guidelines which would work in its immediate
surroundings. These are the whole body of classical Islamic laws relating
to women, which in the light of the above stand revealed as temporary
measures which are no longer really useful with the advent of modern
economy. If we accept the above interpretation, all the laws from
inheritance to divorce which have been lopsided against women lose their
applicability in a modern society in which women are capable of earning
wages for themselves and being independent. In a real sense, then, the
much debated "place of women in Islam" no longer exists, because in
religious terms gender no longer exists.
The response of many Muslim intellectuals to industrialization, with
its accompanying entry of women into the labour market and ultimately the
prospect of eliminating gender roles, has been horror at the breakup of
the traditional family structure. But in fact families are not broken up
by the modern economy; only their patriarchal structures. Conservative
elements in Western societies still criticize women for abandoning the
ideal of mother/housewife, and blame the emergence of career-oriented
women for rising levels of drug use and other problems among youth.
However, the blame should really be assigned equally to both male and
female parents, as the breakdown of traditional roles for men and women
leaves them with equal responsibility for child-rearing. A real shift in
the patriarchal family would involve breaking down both the traditional
roles of father-as-breadwinner as well as mother-as-childrearer, which
should really give children the benefit of having two people looking after
them rather than one.
The above argument against the traditional Muslim laws regarding women
seems very incomplete from the perspective of Islamic legalism, because it
does not take up each of the separate legal issues of divorce,
inheritance, etc. The reason I have refused to touch on any of these
specifically is that to do so is frankly useless. There are many
hair-splitting arguments one can make regarding the "real meaning" of any
Qur'anic verse; but the fact is that whatever we argue, these very verses
have been and continue to be used against women's rights. In the face of
this fact there is only one argument that remains worthwhile; whether or
not the Qur'an can accept the possibility of a paradigm shift in gender
relations. If we accept that the Qur'anic position on women's rights
involves a self-acknowledged compromise with its historical environment
and the economic role of women in that environment, then the economic
changes of industrialization and modernity legitimately bring to an end
all the classical Islamic laws pertaining to women.
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