Readings:
The Security Council (SC) created the International Criminal Tribunals in Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR) in response to the war crimes and crimes against humanity that were being committed in both regions. The Council was exercising its powers under Chapter VII of the United Nations’ Charter to take measures necessary to maintain and restore international peace. In the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, this meant bringing perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity to justice in the tribunals set up in order to allow the ruined societies to heal and reform. This essay argues that this unprecedented method of dealing with a threat to international peace was legal because the UN Charter did not exclude it through more restrictive boundaries for the SC’s exercise of discretion. The creation of the ad hoc tribunals was within the Security Council’s power because it is justified in taking measures to combat threats to international peace which are not explicit in the UN Charter. Article 41[1] of the UN Charter gives the Security Council discretion to take ‘measures not involving the use of force’, to preserve international peace—and tribunals created to allow justice to be meted out to perpetrators of crimes are non-violent. While Article 41 gives examples of measures that the SC can take, it uses permissive language when describing them, stating that ‘these may include’ the severance of diplomatic relations, rather than restrictive language. Admittedly, drafters of the UN Charter may not have envisioned that Chapter VII would be used to create ad hoc tribunals. Given the detail put into the examples in Article 41, the SC was probably meant to utilise one of them—or similar measures. However the heart of article 41 is its negative definition[2], and the creation of a tribunal does not fall foul of it. Therefore, while creation of the ad hoc tribunals may not have been intended, it is within the power of the SC to do so because of the way its powers were drafted. Furthermore, the SC was justified in its specific choice to create a judicial body although it exercises no judicial function itself. Critics argued that the SC could not possibly delegate power to a subsidiary organ that it did not have,[3] and that this made its creation of the ad hoc tribunals invalid. However, as the bench in Prosecutor v Tadic[4] found, the SC was not delegating a power it had—it was exercising its power to preserve international peace by creating a judicial body. The General Assembly’s (GA) creation of the UN Emergency Force in the Middle East in 1956 shows that UN organs can create subsidiary bodies with powers that its principal does not have,[5] and the valid creation of the UN Administrative Tribunal[6] clarifies specifically that a judicial subsidiary body can be created by a principal organ without that function. The validity of the SC’s creation of the ad hoc tribunals can appear shaky when held against two of the standards that a measure must meet—it must be able to restore peace and be validly established by law[7]. The Security Council provided what is essentially very broad reasoning for how ad hoc tribunals would establish peace in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda—that perpetrators would be brought to justice, that this would necessarily deter further atrocities and help people move past the ones that had been committed, and that this would create stability and peace while the regions tried to rebuild themselves. While this is not illogical, it does depend on the use of loose logical links and the assumption that each stage would necessarily occur—which is debatable. The problem with drawing links with such a broad brush is that it becomes difficult to think of what measure or reasoning cannot be rationalized—and if almost any sort of measure that is non-violent can be justified, then the requirement that it must preserve international peace will not be an effective restriction on the SC’s choices. Unfortunately, the Appeal Chamber’s judgment in Tadic does nothing to strengthen the SC’s position—it merely rejected ex post facto criticism of the tribunal’s effectiveness[8] in preserving peace, without stating any alternative standard that a decision must meet. However, while this is a concern—that there does not seem to be a particularly stringent threshold for what makes a measure effective—it is still consistent with the drafting of the SC’s powers, which are conferred in Article 39 to give the council broad discretion.[9] Therefore, while the benefit of the SC’s wide discretion in combating threats to international peace might be debatable, its choice to create an international tribunal is not outside the confines of that discretion since the council provided a logical basis for its choice. The validity of the SC’s decision has also been challenged on the grounds that it was not ‘established by law’, and the judgment in Tadic has been criticized for ironically strengthening this challenge. The bench bolstered its various arguments that the ICTY was established by law by pointing out that the GA had repeatedly approved of its formation,[10] and one writer argued that this in fact made the SC’s actions seem less valid—if it had been justified in creating the ICTY, there would be no need for the General Assembly’s ratification.[11] However, this is unfair as it is arguable that the SC was meant to confine itself to the use of measures explicitly stated in Chapter VII to deal with threats to international peace. Given the novelty of the SC’s actions and the understandable skepticism that it may not have been justified in creating the ICTY, it is easy to see why other bodies of the UN might rally to show its support for the SC’s decision. It is unfair use this as proof that the ICTY’s exists on shaky ground and needs bolstering. The broad discretion given to the SC in exercising its powers under Chapter VII thus covers the creation of the ad hoc tribunals—the Chapter could have been crafted more narrowly to exclude measures that were different from the examples given, but it was not. In light of this, and the precedents that justify the creation of a judicial body by one of the UN’s principal organs, the creation of the ad hoc tribunals was within the SC’s powers.
[1] Article 41 clarifies how the Security Council’s powers and obligations under Article 39 may be exercised. Article 39 reads: The Security Council shall determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and shall make recommendations, or decide what measures shall be taken in accordance with Articles 41 and 42, to maintain or restore international peace and security. Article 41 reads: The Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, and it may call upon the Members of the United Nations to apply such measures. These may include complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations.
[2] Tadic Appeals Chamber at para 35 [3] Tadic, Appeals Chamber, para 37; Roman A. Kolodkin “An Ad Hoc Tribunal for the Prosecution of Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law in the Former Yugoslavia” (1994) 5 Criminal Law Forum (No.s 2-3) p381 at 388 [4] Case No. IT-94-1, Decision on the Defence Motion for Interlocutory Appeal on Jurisdiction (2 October 1995), International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, Appeals Chamber. [Tadic] [5] Tadic at para. 38 [6] Supra, n6 at p 390 [7] As per Article 14, Paragraph 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [ICCPR]. [8] Tadic at para. 39 [9] Tadic at para. 32 [10] Tadic at para. 44 [11] Jose E. Alvarez, “Nuremberg Revisited: The Tadic Case” for Symposium: The International Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia Comes of Age (1996) 7 Eur. J. Int’l Law. 245 at p258
Jekyll or Hyde: Curtailed justice at the ICC?
The Security Council's ability to suspend ICC investigations destabilizes the necessary independence of the court. Through Article 16, the SC moves the ICC beyond a legal ideal into a political reality where diplomatic peace and justice can sometimes conflict. For reasons laid out below, this legal/political tension suggests that Article 16 is a Jekyll and Hyde provision. To consider Article 16 as a positive aspect of the Rome Statute, its dual character must be monitored through a continuous case-by-case assessment. This short paper will consider the implications Article 16 and the possible consequences arising from Resolution 1422. Article 16 - On Compromise and Politics Article 16 represents a compromise between the SC and the ICC. In its earlier form, Article 16 prevented the ICC from commencing a prosecution on any situation being dealt with by the SC unless the SC decided otherwise [here at 1509]. This broad provision would have jeopardized the independence of the ICC and left it susceptible to the political motivations of the SC. Viewed through a lens of compromise, the current version of Article 16 is a more palatable alternative. It arguably strikes an essential balance between recognition of the Security Council’s primacy over international peace and security and the Court’s independence. While the article still alters the independence of the ICC, it allows for investigations to continue unless the Council formally decides to stop the process. As such, one veto by a permanent Council member cannot halt ICC proceedings as was previously the case. Instead, only a “concerned effort” requiring a minimum of nine affirmative SC votes every 12 months can block the process [here at 1510]. Although Article 16 is a constructive result that limits the weakness of the ICC, the ICC’s continued dependency on the SC leaves the door open to a politicized judicial process. Article 16’s ambiguity also engages key procedural
questions. Ostensibly, the provision fails to consider what happens to an
individual already in custody. What procedure should the ICC adopt if the SC
were to suspend such an investigation? Is the individual 'de-criminated' and set
free thus negating justice for political ends? Certainly this would defeat the
object of the ICC – to ensure that the most serious crimes do not go
unpunished – and subsequently weaken the institution. On the other hand, is the individual to be
kept in custody indefinitely thus violating his human right to a trial
without undue delay? The absence of a clear scope with regard to the
SC's capacity to suspend ICC investigations thus imperils the ICC’s objectives. Some critics argue that Article 16 could interfere with a state’s right to exercise their treaty obligation as well as their erga omnes obligations. SC members that are party to the Rome Statute must negotiate between their Council political objectives and their treaty obligations. The ICC’s jurisdiction is arguably defined by jus cogens offences. As Judge Lauterpacht highlights, when an SC Resolution indirectly forces Members of the UN to become accessories to genocide, the Resolution ceases to be valid and binding in its operation [here at 1536]. The concern that Article 16 may therefore free genocidiares is compelling. However, I suggest that the SC’s power is not unlimited and it must therefore act within the purposes and principles of the UN Charter – including its requirement not to derogate from jus cogens norms [Tadic at 28]. While, instances may arise that arouse jus cogens fears, it is fair to say that the SC is limited in its exercise of power. A peripheral argument could also be made that, as in Lockerbie [here at 185], States cannot invoke their customary-based rights to impede the SC in discharging this responsibility. Further, if a state violates VCLT 53, avenues of compromise exist through arbitration and referral to the ICJ [see VCLT 66]. The treaty and erga omnes critiques are however valid and subsequently endorse my proposition of a case-by-case assessment. Resolution 1422:
New interpretation of Article 16? The generality of Resolution 1422 broadens the scope of Article 16 thus threatening the credibility of the court. The US’s intent to curtain off a segment of individuals and protect them indefinitely, limits the ICC’s capacity to carry out a case-by-case assessment. The SC is thus denying the ICC an opportunity to investigate heinous crimes. Of course, national courts can still prosecute these individuals/ potential criminals. But what happens when national proceedings are ineffective or unavailable? [Rome Statute 17 & 20b] In the absence of recourse to the ICC, does this reversal in ICC mandate not weaken the institution? Ostensibly, the US indirectly lowered the nine affirmative vote threshold. The US secured the nine vote requirement by threatening to veto the renewal of peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and potentially all other peacekeeping operations. Thus with one veto, the US overcame and lowered Article 16’s threshold. Admittedly the SC is an overtly political body so negotiations like this are not unusual. However, it does point to an instrumentalization of justice. A failure to reserve Article 16 for fragile situations where peace and justice are really in opposition would transform the ICC into a mere tool of international governance as opposed to a an arbiter of justice. As Prosecutor Moreno-Ocampo rightly underscores, a “business as usual” attitude will help perpetuate crimes. Further, this blanket resolution delays the project international justice from becoming more systematic, predictable, and enforceable. This arguably leads to a minimal interaction between rule of law and international criminal law. Conclusion: Jekyll and Hyde Article 16 is a sensitive provision with a capacity to be either Jekyll or Hyde. Subsequently, it requires constant monitoring. The ambiguities surrounding the SC’s ability to suspend ICC investigations mean that it is not ideal. However, in the interests of compromise, the article reflects a workable balance. The ICC’s unique mandate over crimes committed in ongoing conflicts requires sensitivity to the project of international justice. It is therefore important that both the SC and ICC avoid the instrumentalization of justice by recognizing the role of justice as end rather than a (useful) tool. In so doing, Article 16 will be valued as a positive aspect of the Rome Statute.
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