Laws are invented on a daily basis. In the name of reform, legally established rights are abolished by decree. News Limited’s ownership of The Fiji Times was abolished at the stroke of the President’s pen on a Sayed-Khaiyum decree. Air Pacific’s joint venture with Qantas, which dragged Air Pacific back from the brink of bankruptcy was likewise dissolved by decree.
These and many other high-handed actions have destroyed the confidence of all but Chinese companies, who feel that the Bainimarama Government is beholden to their government for aid.
The result can be seen in what’s called the excess liquidity of our banks. They all have money sitting in depositors accounts which cannot be lent because there are not enough businesses willing to take extra debt to invest in Frank’s Fiji.
The Sayed-Khaiyum answer to this problem is to force Banks to lend, whether they want to or not. At another stroke of the pen, Banks in Fiji are going to be forced to lend 6 percent of their deposits to projects in agriculture and renewable energy, whether they have sound, secure projects or not. Bank of the South Pacific alone will be forced to lend $48 million this year. Next year, they’ll have to find more projects.
It sounds just like the old National Bank of Fiji post 1987 coup. Friends with dodgy projects line up for their share of the easy money. They know it’s a loan, and they’ll pay it back if they can, but….
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RESPONSE TO PROFESSOR CROSBIE WALSH
by L. Qarase
The “Opinion” article titled “OBSTRUCTION” (FS.27/5/12) by Prof. Crosbie Walsh cannot go unchallenged. Prof. Walsh’s claim that Mr. Mahendra Chaudhry and I intend to obstruct every move Government takes along the road to elections in 2014 is absurd. I cannot speak for Mr. Chaudhry but as far as I am concerned I would like the elections to be held sooner than 2014.
It is not my intention to obstruct the election or the constitution-making processes set in motion by the Government. Government rules by Decrees. It does what it wants to do-you cannot obstruct it. But as leader of the SDL Party who won the 2006 elections it is my duty to point out what many of us believe are flaws in the election and constitution-making processes now being implemented. As a nation we must ensure that these processes are credible and fair to the people of Fiji and to the international community.
Sure, the SDL Party wants to be heard by the Constitution Commission. But we want an independent Commission. It is important that the constitution consultation processes are inclusive, participatory, free, fair and transparent. The SDL Party will not be satisfied simply with the “tinkering of the 1997 Constitution”. The Party would like to see significant amendments to that document.
The SDL Party would like to see an independent body handling the voter registration and indeed the entire election process. That body should be the independent office of the Supervisor of Elections. The 2014 elections will not be the first for Fiji. All previous elections have been carried out by the Supervisor of Elections. There is no reason why the 2014 elections cannot be handled in the same way, with assistance from outside experts and the large Civil Service that we have.
Prof. Walsh is quite wrong when he said that “for the past five years they (Chaudhry and Qarase) have seldom missed an opportunity to snipe at Government, and they have done this without putting forward a single helpful suggestion on how Fiji is to move forward - - -“. Prof. Walsh should know that from 10th April, 2009 to early this year our freedom of speech was suppressed by the Public Emergency Regulations (PER), so there was little opportunity to “snipe” at Government. Even now that freedom of speech remains elusive.
The SDL Party’s “helpful suggestion” to move the country forward was for the Government to accept and implement the suggestion by the Fiji Court of Appeal in delivering judgment in the case L. Qarase & others vs J.V. Bainimarama & others on 9th April, 2009. If that was done Fiji would be well on the way to full recovery.
Contrary to what Prof. Walsh stated the Tolerance and Reconciliation Bill (TRB) and the Qoliqoli Bill were not ethnic legislation. The TRB was for everyone involved in the 2000 coup. The Bill provided an opportunity for people to confess their crimes, repent of their “sins” and ask for forgiveness from their victims. The Bill provided an opportunity for victims to forgive those who committed crimes against them. Penalties meted out by the Courts for crimes committed may be reduced under certain circumstances. The Bill was never intended to “absolve all those responsible for the Speight coup”.
The Qoliqoli Bill was not about race. The main purpose was to transfer ownership of the Qoliqoli to indigenous Fijians who have traditional rights over them. This is allowed under the UN Convention on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Fiji is a party to this Convention. The claim by Prof. Walsh that the Bill “would have set mataqali against each other and denied non-iTaukei access to beaches - - - etc” is absolute rubbish. The Bill would have clearly established the rights of both the owners and users of the resource. You may be interested to know that some Aboriginal tribes of Australia have been granted ownership rights to their Qoliqoli covering 7,000km of coastline in northern Australia.
Prof. Walsh, I want you to know that my freedom is very much restricted contrary to what you claim. You enjoy more freedom in Fiji than I. Security personnel for example maintain surveillance over my movements; my freedom of speech etc is severely restricted; my basic human rights have been violated. For example, I have not received one cent of my pension entitlement since the coup on 5th December, 2006. My right to pension that I have earned has been totally denied.
I am certain that your wish will be granted Prof. Walsh! God will indeed help Fiji when the SDL Party is returned to power!
In a recent Fiji Sun article (FS 19/5/12), reporter, Ms. Caroline Ratucadra said that a senior officer of the Fiji Military Force will lead the team with two other members, one an Australian and the other a New Zealander. It is not clear whether the appointments of these two have the support of their Governments. If they do, then clearly the two Governments are supporting an election process that is far from being independent, free and fair.
...
Mr. Qarase had raised his concern earlier that the voter registration process is controlled by the office of the Attorney-General. The entire election process, including voter registration, should be a function of an independent office of the Supervisor of Elections, Mr. Qarase said.
Mr. Qarase also said that, by now, a well qualified Supervisor of Elections should have been appointed. The office should be allocated the necessary resources, including staff, equipment and other requirements. The entire election process should be under the direct control of the Supervisor of Elections and not under a Cabinet Minister.
The direct involvement of the Attorney-General and military officers in the election process has cast serious doubt on the process itself and on its ultimate outcome.
The truth is that during the SDL five-year Government (2001-2006) the Fiji sugar industry performed well with a sugar output of 330,000 tonnes in 2006. During the present Government’s administration, sugar production has declined dramatically to a non-viable level of around 130,000 tonnes per annum. At this level of production the industry cannot be sustained and it will eventually fade away.
Mr. Qarase said that the SDL Government had obtained the necessary funding for the upgrading of the four sugar mills. In addition, the SDL Government had also secured a financial grant of around $350 million from the European Union to fund improvements to our sugar farms over seven years from 2007 to 2012. This financial grant from the EU was withdrawn following the military coup of December, 2006. The military Government proceeded to implement the sugar mills upgrade from loan funds secured by the SDL Government.
Mr. Qarase said, however, that the SDL Government’s implementation plan was thrown overboard and a different plan put in place. This is one of the reasons why the sugar re-structure has been a failure. To make matters worse the $350 million grant from the EU has been withdrawn because of the coup. This component of the re-structure package was crucial to its success.
Mr. Qarase said that if the SDL Government’s sugar re-structure plan had gone ahead without interruption, Fiji’s sugar production should be around 400,000 tonnes of sugar in 2012. Instead, sugar production is now around 130,000 tonnes per annum.
This total failure of the Government’s sugar plan cannot be blamed on the SDL Government or anyone else. They must accept full responsibility. The buck stops with the present Government. It is a mess that they themselves created.
Stop the blame-game!
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Ghai's dilemma: to be more than a tape recorder
Professor Yash Ghai has reassured the Fiji public that his Constitution Commission will listen to all the submissions being made, and presumably incorporate "what the people want" into their final Report.
But if that is all that they end up doing, then Fiji may as well buy a cheap tape-recorder and hire a good editor.
Luckily, for Professor Yash Ghai and Professor Christina Murray to safeguard their international reputation as constitution lawyers, they need to also ensure that their set of recommendations maintains the letter and spirit of Fiji law.
To achieve that, the Ghai Commission faces several dilemma.
First, Ghai and Murray at least will know that the most authoritative Fiji courts have concluded that the 1997 Constitution cannot be abrogated by the President, the Military, or merely replaced by anyone, including some "Constituent Assembly" established by "usurpers" (using the words of Anthony Gates- see below).
The second dilemma is that while Fiji's political leaders insist that the 1997 Constitution must be retained (with amendments if necessary), Bainimarama keeps undermining the independence of the Ghai Commission by insisting that the 1997 Constitution will not be revisited.
Luckily, the Ghai Commission only needs to point to the Regime's insistence that all future governments must be guided by the People's Charter (which was allegedly approved by more than 80 percent. of all people in Fiji over the age of 18 i.e. virtually a referendum), and the first clause of the Charter states clearly "We the People of Fiji Affirm that our Constitution represents the supreme law of our country, that it provides the framework for the conduct of government and the people”.
On this issue, submissions to the Ghai Commission can also quote the excellent judgement by Anthony Gates- which I repeat below.
The third dilemma is how the military decrees will be incorporated into a post-election legal framework, when the authoritative legal interpretation is that infringement of basic human rights (as in some of the military decrees) cannot be legalized ex-post.
A possible fourth dilemma (which may not eventuate) is how the Ghai Commission will resolve internal disagreement: will there have to be consensus, in which case they may sink to the lowest common denominator? or will there be voting by majority, in which case the three Regime non-legal appointees could hypothetically out-vote the two legal experts; or will Minority Reports also be allowed, and what standing they will have?
Fiji can be reassured that Professor Ghai has a record of walking away, when those in power interfere with his professionalism.
Nevertheless, submissions can assist the Ghai Commission by providing explicit guidance on these dilemma for two reasons: first, should internal disagreement amongst the Commission members reduce them to the role of being "tape recorders of what the people want", then general consensus amongst the submissions will make the Commission's task easier; second, it is their own country's future in the balance.
It is to be hoped that Fiji's own domestic legal experts are committed enough to collectively advise (through the Fiji Law Society) on our own constitutional solutions, without waiting for the legal manna to drop from heaven in the form of a "home grown" constitution (Regime's words), when the majority (3) of the Commission members are foreign residents. But then, so also was the Reeves Commission majority foreign residents.
I first set out my layman's reading of the current legal situation and then suggest a set of recommendations at the end of this article for consideration by our people in their submissions.
The Last Legal Judgement on the coups.
A central document for Ghai and Murray will be the last legal and authoritative judgment- that of the 2009 Court of Appeal (Justices Powell, Lloyd and Douglas), a fascinating document to read.
http://www.nswbar.asn.au/circulars/2009/apr09/fiji.pdf
The judges carefully traversed all the previous arguments and judgements on the legality of all governments established since the military coups of 1987, 2000, and 2006.
They made the clear judgement on the 2006 coup: that all of the following were unlawful according to the 1997 Constitution: the assumption of executive authority and the declaration of a State of Emergency by Bainimarama, the dismissal of Qarase as Prime Minister, the appointment of Senilagakali as caretaker Prime Minister, Bainimarama's order for the dissolution of Parliament, Iloilo's appointment of Bainimarama as Prime Minister, and all subsequent decrees by President Iloilo attempting to legalize Bainimarama;s actins.
The Appeal Court pragmatically recommended that the President Ratu Iloilo appoint a caretaker Prime Minister to advise a dissolution of the Parliament and call for fresh elections.
Instead, the next day, Ratu Iloilo allegedly "abrogated" the 1997 Constitution and re-appointed Bainimarama as Prime Minister, whose regime has continued till today.
You can also read Professor Anne Twomey's "The Fijian coup cases: The Constitution, reserve powers and the doctrine of necessity":
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1399803.
And read "Dire Straits: a report on the rule of law in Fiji" (An International Bar Association Human Rights Institute Report, March 2009) (google the title).
This document also clarifies how a few aggrieved judges in 2006, sacrificed constitutionality and Fiji's well-being on the alter of their personal vendetta against other judges who they thought had acted unfairly against them.
Reading just these three documents, any intelligent lay person would understand that if there was another independent court today, its finding would be that the 2009 alleged abrogation of the 1997 Constitution by Iloilo and the Bainimarama Regime were equally unlawful.
Who better to explain that to us than Justice Anthony Gates.
The 1997 Constitution still exists: Anthony Gates
Twomey's article ended with a quote from a 2001 judgment by Justice Anthony Gates in the case Koroi v Commissioner of Inland Revenue. (Gate's words are given here in red italics, with my comments in black):
"It is not possible for any man to tear up the Constitution. He has no authority to do so".
(i.e. neither did President Iloilo have any powers in 2009 to abrogate the constitution)
"The Constitution remains in place until amended by Parliament, a body of elected members who collectively represent all of the voters and inhabitants of Fiji … The fundamental law represented in a Constitutional document may only be changed in accordance with that Constitution."
(i.e. even the Ghai Commission cannot suddenly create a "new" Constitution outside of Parliament, even if approved by some "Constituent Assembly" appointed by the "usurper").
"Usurpers may take over as they have in other jurisdictions, and in some cases rule for many years apparently outside of, or without the Constitution. Eventually the original order has to be revisited, and the Constitution resurfaces …
Even the Glorious Revolution must eventually be tamed by the Constitution. For the courts cannot pronounce lawfulness based simply on the will of the majority. Nor can lawfulness be accorded to the tyranny of the mob.... Such tyranny lacks universal morality and the courts will not assist usurpers simply because they are numerous, powerful, or even popular."
(i.e. no "popularly approved" Charter can ride roughshod over the 1997 Constitution, and courts will not assist the usurping Military Regime, even if it is "powerful, or even popular")
In an earlier 2000 judgement, Anthony Gates had justifiably admonished fellow judges Tuivaga, Scott and Fateaki:
"Judges should remember their oaths of judicial office to uphold the Constitution. The presumption is that the Constitution remains unimpugned until pronounced otherwise in court".
Gates also criticized Qarase's 2000 court action to declare the 1997 Constitution abrogated:
"But the rule of law means that the suspended state of affairs and the Constitution return to life after the stepping down of a responsible military power and after the conclusion of its work for the restoration of calm for the nation. There is no constitutional foundation of legality for the interim government or for the Constitutional Review Committee".
This Gates judgment in the 2000 Chandrika Prasad case was supported by a 2001 Court of Appeal (Casey, Barker, Kapi, Ward and Handley JJA).
In summary, Bainimarama's demand that the 1997 Constitution must not be revisited has to be rejected by the Ghai Commission.
Similar arguments may be also made about the alleged elimination of the Great Council of Chiefs, which is also an integral part of the 1997 Constitution.
The Great Council of Chiefs
The record of the Great Council of Chiefs is a very poor one, by any standard whatsoever. Read my 2007 article here:
The Military Regime is correct in pointing to the GCC's politicisation during the coups of 1987 and 2000.
But the Regime was also guilty of using the GCC's authority during the 2006 coup, when the GCC's appointee as President, Ratu Iloilo, meekly accepted being shunted aside by Bainimarama, and after Bainimarama illegally removed Qarase as Prime Minister, ignominiously accepting re-appointment as President, and consequently doing all of Bainimarama's bidding. It is to Ratu Mara's credit that he refused to be used in 2000 when he was humiliatingly asked to "step aside".
The GCC said nothing of their Presidential nominee Iloilo being abused in this fashion, nor did they collectively say anything about his subsequent actions all following the Regime's commands; nor did they make a stand when another President was illegally imposed on the nation, without their consent and ultra vires the 1997 Constitution.
Note also that the three leading chiefly families within the GCC (the Maras, the Cakobaus, and the Ganilaus) who have traditionally provided the President, not only behaved without any constitutional ethics in 1987 and 2000, but also in 2006 and 2009.
There is little doubt that individual chiefs continue to provide strong
leadership to their people in their own local areas. But collectively, they
have failed Fiji.
Told by Bainimarama to go away, the chiefs of the GCC collectively and meekly went away out of sight (except Ro Temumu Kepa).
Most of the chiefs of Fiji have still done nothing about reforming their own provincial councils, by including educated and professional commoners who might guide them better through these turbulent modern crises in which the majority of the traditional chiefs have little to offer their people.
Is it any wonder that many qualified commoners put up their hands to serve Bainimarama today, and Rabuka two decades ago.
Nevertheless, whatever the GCC's failings, it is not for the Bainimarama Regime to abolish an institution which has a central role in the 1997 Constitution, for nominating the President and a half of Senate.
Submissions to the Yash Ghai Commission should consider recommending that following the 2014 elections, there be a thorough review of the GCC, led by the GCC itself, with inputs from the elected government.
What of the military decrees?
The Ghai Commission faces a third legal dilemma: what can they recommend on all the military decrees promulgated by the Bainimarama Regime?
The 2009 Court of Appeal recognized (repeated by Twomey) "the principle that the laws or acts of an invalid government that is in actual control of a territory may still be valid insofar as they concern the ordinary orderly running of the state, do not impair the rights of citizens and do not directly help the usurpation of power" (my emphasis). The Military Regime fails on all three qualifications.
First, they have ventured (disastrously) into numerous aspects of public policy, such as the FNPF restructuring and its investments, the Air Pacific shareholdings, fundamental changes in the tax laws, etc.- all actions far more than the "ordinary running of the state"
Second, many of the Military decrees have taken away basic human rights of citizens to property (FNPF case, Nadi Airport leases, Momi assets), the right of recourse to courts, the freedom of speech and assembly.
Third the Decrees have prevented any legal challenge to be made to their assumption of authority.
The resolution of some of these issues (like the FNPF pension restructuring) will be a nightmare for the judiciary, after a normal elected and accountable government returns.
The Ghai Commission might help by giving some general directions.
Will the Constituent Assembly repeat the Charter Charade?
The Regime will face a large credibility gap with any "Constituent Assembly" that is set up by Bainimarama, given his betrayal of the NCBBF/Charter exercise.
Many who served on the NCBBF, like Archbishop Petero Mataca and John Samy, may have originally believed in the objectives and the rhetoric of the Military Regime.
They, like hundreds of thousands of people throughout Fiji, would also have been reassured by the clear statement in the Charter, of strict adherence to the 1997 Constitution.
But they were all left high and dry, when Bainimarama abrogated the 1997 Constitution following the Appeal Court ruling in 2009.
It is a sad symptom of the widespread lack of public accountability of leaders in Fiji, that neither Mataca nor Samy, nor leading lights like Akuila Yabaki, have ever made any public statement about the betrayal of the Charter and the NCBBF by Bainimarama's abrogation of the Constitution.
All those who will take part in the "Constituent Assembly" following the Ghai Commission's Report, need to be constantly reminded of the contents of the Charter, still shamelessly alleged by the Regime as the gospel for Fiji's future.
Will this exit strategy be missed?
Prior to the 2009 Court of Appeal, the Regime and Regime supporters could have claimed some semblance of legality, based on the judgement by Gates, Pathik and Byrne.
That judgement was however over-turned by the 2009 Court of Appeal, and had the coup drivers and supporters then followed the very pragmatic advice of that Court of Appeal, they could have retained some semblance of legality.
But sadly for Fiji, they failed to take that exit strategy, and those responsible for advising Bainimarama to abrogate the Constitution, will regret it to their dying days.
Today, this Ghai Commission offers one again, a peaceful exit strategy to Bainimarama and his Military Council, Aiyaz Khaiyum, and their cabal of secret legal advisers (whose identities are all known by Fiji lawyers).
The Yash Ghai Commission also offers a redeeming moment to some of our political leaders who have an equally bad record on abiding by the 1997 Constitution. Hopefully, their current co-operation is genuinely for the good of the nation, and not just a Machiavellian "marriage of convenience" that will be discarded when the "common enemy" is out of sight.
The "silence of the lions" in the Fiji Law Society
It is understandable that lawyers cannot be expected to give free public advice on all legal matters- that is after all their daily bread and butter. But the Constitution is not a "daily bread and butter issue".
Unfortunately the many grey areas in the 1997 Constitution have been a fertile ground for many of our lawyers to make minor fortunes in the inevitable political disputes so readily taken to court in the past.
Our failure to eliminate the grey constitutional areas before crises develop, has virtually destroyed our country for the last ten years. Read my article here in 2002:
This advice was not acted upon by our political parties, nor by the Fiji Law Society.
Indeed, the members of the Fiji Law Society are not likely to be accused of selflessly serving the public with solid professional advice on constitutional matters.
The Fiji Law Society might also wish to take the opportunity offered by this Yash Ghai Commission to brighten their collective reputation, which has been considerably tarnished in recent years.
Public recommendations to the Ghai Commission
To assist the Ghai Commission, the Fiji public might wish to consider making the following general recommendations:
(1) to declare that the1997 Constitution is still in place and must be abided by, including for its revision following the Ghai Commission Report and approval by the "Constituent Assembly".
(2) to ensure a lawful implementation of the Ghai Commission Report, if unanimously supported by the political parties,
(a) the 2006 elected Parliament and Senate be recalled for the sole purpose of approving the Recommendations for the revision of the 1997 Constitution;
(b) the lawful dissolution of parliament following resignation by the last elected Prime Minister,
(c) the call for fresh elections under the revised electoral system; and
(d) the appointment of a civilian administration comprising members who will not stand in the 2014 elections, and who will only conduct the "ordinary business" of the state, nothing more.
The public also needs to make specific recommendations for
(3) the reform of the electoral system (I will give my suggestions on this).
(4) the removal of all ambiguity in the 1997 Constitution for the appointment of Presidents and Prime Ministers and the dissolution of Parliament
(5) the maintenance of the President as a "symbolic head" above all party politics, independent of passing governments, providing moral and ethical leadership for all Fiji citizens; with no executive powers which would merely replicate the elected government.
(6) agreement on a post-2014 election initiative for the reform of the GCC
(7) agreement on a post-2014 election initiative for the reform of the Senate
(8) agreement on a post-2014 election initiative for the regularization of military decrees, consistent with the 1997 Constitution
(9) explicit provisions for the legal and state response to any further military coups.
(10) the nature of amnesty provisions which may be provided
(11) the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
(12) the running of a referendum on the revised Constitution at the first national elections, with any remaining significant contentious issues, to be placed for approval or rejection on that Referendum Ballot paper.
Evidence of support for Submissions
The political parties should learn from the Charter exercise when the Regime trotted out more than 400 thousand signatures allegedly in support of the Charter.
It may once more come down to counting numbers throughout the country, who support this or that submission.
All those who make submissions to the Ghai Commission, need to thoroughly explain their submission to the people, gather supporting signatures from those over 18, who must be reminded not to sign twice.
To assist international auditing of these signatures they need to follow a template and put all the data on a spread-sheet (simple exercise nowadays) to be also given to the Ghai Commission:
Surname, given names, age, address.
Political parties should understand the long-term advantages to themselves in conducting this public education exercise (of course, they could leave it to the Regime, Akuila Yabaki's CCF, and essay writing competitions).
Oh dear. What a pain, eh?
Law and order, and good governance, does not come easy, does it?
Qarase said the current restrictions on freedom of assembly, freedom of association, and freedom of speech should be lifted to create the right environment for the election process to take place.
...
Qarase has welcomed statements made by Constitutional Commission chair Professor Yash Ghai that government should justify any restrictions which are in place and they should not hinder public consultations.
“The statements made by Professor Ghai are positive and reflect an independent view and he should ensure that his demands on the government are met.”
Qarase said the SDL will present its submissions when the Constitution Commission meets. “An SDL committee will meet soon to discuss the constitutional process and we will meet on a regular basis to monitor the process and finalise our submission.”
Professor Ghai during his visit had said notifications rather than permits would be the way to go for holding meetings and restrictions should not "attain to human rights".
He said restrictions are not universal in a democratic country but to have some restrictions for good reasons is important and balance is needed.
However Attorney General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum earlier said the Public Order Amendment Decree does not restrict debate and free speech. Sayed-Khaiyum said the decree is in place to address overt acts of racial and religious vilification which they have seen in Fiji’s history and to promote true dialogue among all Fijians.
He said any groups seeking to meet peacefully, without intention to prejudice peace, public safety and good order, engage in racial or religious vilification will not be prevented by law from meeting....PACNEWS (PINA)
E/TIMOR – DIPLOMACY: RADAUS PACNEWS 3: Mon 21 May 2012
No amount of whitewashing by Permanent Secretary for Sugar Manasa Vaniqi can hide the fact that the current administration is solely responsible for the sad state of the sugar industry today, said NFU general secretary Mahendra Chaudhry.
...
Industry statistics and the bankrupt state of the Fiji Sugar Corporation speak for themselves. But like the proverbial ostrich, Mr Vaniqi and his associates refuse to see the writing on the wall,” Mr Chaudhry said.
As far as the sugar industry is concerned, it is today a question of the blind leading the blind. In just five short years, the cane crop has declined from 3.3 million tonnes to 2.1 million tonnes. Sugar produced has fallen from 330,000 tonnes to 165,000 tonnes. TCTS has deteriorated from 10 to 13.5 tonnes of cane to a tonne of sugar. These facts cannot be ignored.
“Mr Vaniqi keeps harping about reforms when, in actual fact, the industry is being deformed.
“All we know is that the Minister and his officials in the industry have taken several trips abroad under the guise of bringing about improvements but the results have been quite to the contrary.
“The industry was doing much better before the Army takeover but military politics has reduced it today to a pathetic state where farmers are exiting because of the arbitrary and incompetent manner in which it is driven
Presenter: Geraldine Coutts
Speaker: Mick Beddoes, a former opposition leader, Fiji
Posted at 22:58 on 13 May, 2012 UTC
One of Fiji’s leading pro-democracy activists, Peter Waqavonovono, says he knows many people will not take part in the consultations on a new constitution.
Fiji starts the process next month under a timetable laid out by the interim government, which culminates in elections in 2014.
Mr Waqavonovono, says he is one of those not taking part directly, but to help a return to democracy he will assist others form their ideas into submissions.
“It’s not only a vote of no-confidence in the regime. It’s also re-affirming our belief that the 1997 constitution is the sovereign law of the country.”
Peter Waqavonovono says there is optimism and calm in Fiji about the future but also an underlying fear which may hamper a return to democracy.
News Content © Radio New Zealand International
PO Box 123, Wellington, New Zealand
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Fiji military prepares submission to the Constitutional Commission
The Republic of the Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) has started preparing its submission to the Constitutional Commission.
Tue, 15 May 2012
SUVA, Fiji (FIJI SUN) ---- The Republic of the Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) has started preparing its submission to the Constitutional Commission. Prime Minister and RFMF Commander, Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, confirmed this to the Fiji Sun.
“We will make our submission. You must remember that we had started this new journey and we have to make our voice heard in our submission to the Constitutional Commission.”
In fact he said all Fijians should make good use of the opportunity provided in the constitutional process already announced. “As for the military we will surely make our submission.”
He said political parties and former politicians were trying to discredit the constitutional process. “While they’re exercising their right, they should accept what’s on offer and make positive criticisms.” There is no way, he said, that the 1997 Constitution would be revisited.
The Prime Minister said for their voices to be heard, they should make submissions to the commission.
“We must all be forthcoming, actively contribute to, and participate in this process with the view to ensure a better Fiji for all Fijians and we must put aside any prejudices, any self-interest, and political ambitions.”
The new journey started by RFMF, he said, would like to see that a new Constitution was formulated to make sure that we have a new Fiji for all Fijians.
Consultations will commence between the Constitutional Commission and the citizens of Fiji from July 2 and end on September 30.
Government will make sure that all Fijians are given access to the consultation process. “We will ensure that adequate transportation is provided to citizens in particular in the rural and maritime areas-to attend the consultation forums and meetings.”
The new Constitution would be in place by the end of February next year.
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Plans to allow overseas citizens to vote? How many passport holders live outside of Viti? Could they skew the election?
An overseas electorate or expatriate voting being considered?
One of the areas of discussion inside the current administration is the option of allowing expatriate Fijian citizens and passport holders to cast an absentee vote during elections.
This could be easily inserted into the new constitution and many countries including Australia and New Zealand allow for expatriate voting.
There seems to be a majority in favor of this idea but it has several potential drawbacks.
Registration of voters living overseas would have to be undertaken at an Embassy or Consulate. Does this mean they would have to be preregistered or could they vote simply by showing their passport?
Should they have to prove they have regularly returned to Fiji in order to vote or should holding a passport be enough?
What electorate would they vote in? Would it be their last address in Fiji or would one or more fictitious “International” electorates be formed to cater for their votes?
The makeup of the potential international vote is causing some angst within the immigration department because it has been unable to quantify even the number of passport holders living overseas.
It has suggested that the majority of the passport holders who left before 2006 may support the current administration as they would have left being disillusioned by the Qarase or previous governments. Those that have left since 2006 would more likely support an opposition.
The big question is would this be reigniting an old problem as the ethnic majority that existed before the first coup may be reinstated by allowing absentee voting.
First they need to work out how many Fiji citizens are living overseas?
Neither of these questions are currently able to be answered by the Immigration Department although they should have this information at their fingertips.
Source: http://fijitoday.wordpress.com/
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Air Pacific to become Fiji Airways again
Air Pacific has opted to return to its old name as part of a broader overhaul of its money losing business!!!
Fijian national carrier Air Pacific will return to its maiden name of Fiji Airways, part of a broader overhaul of its image as the partly Qantas-owned airline works to turn around its struggling business.
The airline, which is 46 per cent owned by Qantas, has been in the midst of a restructure since it reported a record F$91.8 million operating loss in 2009-10. The carrier bounced back last year, reporting losses of F$3.6 million.
The airline said the name change was part of the final phase of its overhaul and was designed to strengthen the carrier’s links with South Pacific tourism.
“Globally there is high consumer awareness of Fiji as a holiday destination,” said David Pflieger, Air Pacific’s managing director and CEO. “We want to strengthen that association and also promote Fiji in every country we fly to. Returning to Fiji Airways will better reflect our role as Fiji’s national carrier, and also assist Fiji by growing tourism and interest in the nation.”
The airline said it would unveil its new brand and logo in July and expected to complete the transition to new livery by the end of 2013. The carrier was known as Fiji Airways from its launch in 1958 until 1970.
Qantas has been in talks with Fiji’s military government to sell its stake in the airline since 2010, though the talks have reportedly stalled over price. In March, the Fijian government, which came to power in a 2006 coup, issued a decree barring foreign control of the airline in response to what it said was Qantas’s excessive power over the carrier. Qantas denied that it exercised effective control over the airline.
Item by australianaviation.com.au at 2:10 pm, Monday May 14 2012
So is the country abuzz with public meetings and educational material to encourage ordinary people to have a say in the drawing up of the new constitution?
How great a role is the government playing and how much is being left to NGOs?
Presenter:Wayne Shields
Speaker:Reverend Akuila Yabaki, Citizens' Constitutional Forum, Fiji
YABAKI: We as CCF as you know have 20 years experience in providing civic education in constitutional matters and therefore we've had two preparatory workshops or consultation with civil society encouraging them to be engaged, one was in April. The first one was in March sorry and then the end of April, so we had those two. The idea is to conduct or even discourage government from doing civic education, because I think it has to be independent. They could need civic education themselves say if the military wants to do civic education within themselves then we could help to make that happen, but certainly not just the military not to take it out on the people, so I think it's important that this is seen to be independent, the preparation the civic education. It has not happened in this country at all at anytime and this is not the first constitution that could be referred or before submissions it's important to have had this process.
Other sources have now confirmed our story the break in had to be someone or people who knew the layout of HQ and had access.
A fresh source has told us theft from the CID HQ is estimated to be about FJD 7 million dollars over a one year period and includes drugs like cocaine, heroin, pill drugs, marijuana as well as hard cash recovered from Chinese raids, jewellery etc.
Today, we initially quoted a police source saying CID HQ in Toorak is a secure location and all doors and windows are re-inforced with bars with someone on standby 24 hours a day. Key doors can also only be opened with entry pin codes.
The insider told us there is no way someone can break into CID without being caught as only certain personnel are allowed in the building.
He said drugs were taken and the culprits could have only have come from inside.
"The OC drugs was replaced by a new CO and as soon as command changes hands a robbery takes place!
"The only way someone can go through the second floor to the vault that holds drugs is if they have access codes and are escorted by a police officer on that floor."
Fiji media are reporting the break in occured just two days ago but Coupfourpointfive has been told it happened last week.
A comment posted on our story about police commissioner Ioane Naivalurua and his two top aides being implicated in an international drug racket on Tuesday May 8 at 2.38pm also suggests it happened earlier: "Latest in the force as another break in the CID headquarters toorak and a bar of cocaine stolen. The police media officer should be asked to reveal the truth.".
Police have set up an inquiry team into 'missing items' with Police Director Operations SSP Rusiate Tudravu saying news of the crime only officially came to light yesterday.
FBC is quoting him as saying it is an embarrassment to the force, but they want to be transparent about how it is handling it.
“I would like to state that we also have internal security measures in place in regards to some of the sensitive issues and items that are in our custody which we would like not to comment further than that, and I can assure the media that we will try our best, the team is working very hard on it and we will advise at a later stage in regards to the incident at the Criminal Investigations Department Headquarters.”
High Court judge gets 'marching orders' despite 'sacrifices'
Sosefo Inoke in 2009 the day he was sworn in along with Gates
Leaked correspondence from inside the judiciary tonight confirms what the ordinary Fijian already knows - the regime is a law unto itself and there is no such thing as an independent judiciary.
Emails (leaked to C4.5 by moles) between a leading High Court judge, Sosefo Inoke, and the illegal Chief Justice, Tony Gates, also shows how things may well have played out for some of the Sri Lankan judges who've left these shores so abruptly.
Correspondence between Inoke and Gates over the decision to not renew his three year contract confirms outside hands at play within the Fiji judiciary. The strings, as we've always known, are being pulled from way above Gates, by none other than Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum.
A reply from Gates to Inoke dated April 20:
“Thank you for setting out your work in the Division. It is highly commendable, and you have clearly driven many improvements at the Lautoka High Court.
"Having referred the matter at your request, I have received the same decision back. Regrettably therefore I must inform you that the decision I had communicated to you before, stands”.
Inoke was appointed by the former president Josefa Iloilo for three years: in fact, he was sworn in at the same time as Daniel Goundar, Davendra Pathik and Anthony Gates were reappointed after the Constitution was abrogated in 2009.
In his letter to Gates about his contract, Inoke acknowledges the unpopularity of those working for the Fiji judiciary today rather plaintively:
"All legalities aside, what seems to have been lost in all this are the personal sacrifices that I, and my fellow local judicial officers in the same situation that I am in, have made in service to our country and the ridicule that we have had to put up with in the last three years.
"We put our hands up as called upon when others shied away. We have had to put up with being called “illegal Judge”, “illegal Magistrate” and worse, but despite all that, we have proven them all wrong. And what do we get in return? Our marching orders. I feel used for some people’s own personal vendettas and agendas.
"My final pay still remains outstanding despite your direction and my having to call the Chief Registrar three times. It is now 11 days overdue. I have lodged my application for my practicing certificate but feel very uneasy that it will be issued despite your promise that all local judicial officers who have had their contracts not renewed will get their certificates.
"I feel compelled to voice my opinion because I fear the independence of our Judiciary as guaranteed under the law is being compromised."
He also writes to the illegal president Epeli Nailatikau seeking his help, saying he was appointed by Iloilo so his appointment can only be terminated for good cause or revoked for good cause by the president:
"The thrust of my submission is that our people are entitled to a Judiciary which is independent of the Executive arm of Government and a pillar of that human right is the requirement that Judicial Officers have security of tenure by being appointed until the retirement age, subject only to removal by the President. In the case of Judges of the High Court, that age is 65 years.
"That is provided for in our law, before 2009 and now, in the Administration of Justice Decree 2009 and recognised in various international instruments such as The Beijing Statement of Principles of the Independence of the Judiciary in the LAWASIA Region which was signed by our former Chief Justice, Sir Timoci Tuivaga, The Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct 2002 and The Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary which are part of our law.
"These instruments stress that an independent judiciary is a pre-requisite for the Rule of Law and that the principle is for the benefit of the general citizenry and not the Judicial Officers.
"The Chief Justice has just simply told me that it was “the powers that be” that decided not to continue with my appointment, which I take as my removal from the Bench. As I have said above and in my letter to the Chief Justice, the only authority to remove a Judge is the President.
"... something needs to be done to address the issue of Judicial Independence in Fiji."
Editor's Note: Inoke has made several rulings that might be considered anti-government. One of them was last year when he disagreed with the decision of two judges to dismiss the charges against three police officers convicted of murdering a robbery suspect and were later sentenced to life imprisonment in 2008. They had been found guilty of murdering Tevita Malasebe the year before. The original sentence was handed down by Nazhat Shameem.
Source: coupfourandhalf
Photo: fijilive
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Goundar heading to Sydney
Fiji's 'hanging judge' Daniel Goundar has put his Naroro Road property (close to Nazhat Shameem's house) on the market for $320,000 and is heading to Australia.
... He has sold his green Camry to his cousin who owns Annan Motors for $17,000 and is expected to leave the second week of June to reunite with his family in Sydney.
He is purportedly going on study leave but reliable Court sources say he was asked to resign after the Bano case and after the illegal Prime Minister's office received two sworn affidavits from FICAC officers saying he was constantly in touch with FICAC prosecutor, George Langman, and FICAC consultant, Nazhat Shameem, each afternoon after the day's proceedings had ended - directing FICAC who to call, what questions to ask and what not to ask.
The concerned FICAC officers have the recordings on tape and to further save their butts have disposed affidavits with time, date and what transpired each day after trial when Goundar spoke on a speaker phone to those at FICAC.
The illegal Prime Minister's Special Investigation team also asked for phone records from Telecom to confirm what is alleged by the FICAC whistle blowers and the information they received corroborated what the whistle blowers were saying.
Insiders say Goundar was then confronted by the Special Investigation team (in February) after returning from holidays in Australia. At first he denied doing what was put to him but was forced to admit it when confronted with the voice recording and the phone records.
The Special Investigation team then prepared a report for Bainimarama with the recommendation he be removed.
Sources say Bainimarama then issued a letter to Goundar (mid February) to resign within three months or be sacked.
To save face, Goundar went begging to the Chief Justice Tony Gates, who asked him to submit a study leave application which would be approved for him to make a 'graceful' exit.
Gates has refused to process his application and Goundar became frustrated and in Easter took his family and settled them with his sister in Sydney Australia. He is now to join them in June.
We are advised Goundar has discussed other live cases with FICAC when they were being prosecuted (in effect coaching FICAC) and discussing with Nazhat Shameem how FICAC would argue the case on each day.
Insiders say that is why he overturned the Mac Patel assessors' decision of not guilty, because it was what Nazhat Shameem had told him to.
Sources say she then wrote his reasons for overturning the assessors' decision and also wrote the sentence, which was full on as far as corporate governance was concerned and as contained in the Nazhat Shameem drafted Crimes Decree.
Insiders say Goundar and Shameem are also yet to be investigated for interfering with a live appeal in the Kunatuba Court of Appeal case.
Source: coupfourandhalf
Photo: fijilive
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Fiji concern over speculation of military political party
There's increasing speculation in Fiji that members of the military regime are considering forming a political party to contest the promised 2014 election.
Former opposition leader, Mick Beddoes says if the speculation is true the members of the regime who are planning to stand in the election should they should leave their government posts in the lead up to the election.
Mr Beddoes has joined two other former leading politicians, Mahendra Chaudhry and Laisenia Qarase in calling for a fully civilian government to lead Fiji until 2014.
Presenter:Geraldine Coutts
Qarase:Laisenia Qarase, former Fiji Prime Minister
QARASE: There have been strong rumours in the country that the military would be forming a political party, and that they would contest the 2014 elections.
COUTTS: Do you know where or what the source for the speculation is?
QARASE: All I know is that it is coming from within the regime as a reliable source, and apart from that I don't know much else.
COUTTS: Have any member of the military regime come out and qualified whether that's true or not? Has there been a response to the speculation?
QARASE: No not that I know of at this stage.
COUTTS: Do you know names, do you know who might be considering forming a political party made up of military personnel?
QARASE: No, not at this stage.
COUTTS: So do you think that it will happen?
QARASE: Under the current circumstances I wouldn't be surprised if it happened. There is the mood I think within the regime to continue to run the country and if we are to have elections then of course they would want a political party, a new one, or else team up with somebody else.
COUTTS: Quite a few of the current government positions are staffed by military personnel, and the call is from Mick Beddoes that all that staff should leave those posts in the lead-up to the elections. Has that started to happen, is there any sign of that that might give credibility to this speculation?
QARASE: That is not happening at this stage, but I certainly endorse Mr Beddoes' comment if the intention is to form a political party then they should start leaving the government. And somewhere along the line the regime should resign and install a civilian government with one mandate, and that mandate is to take the country to the elections.
COUTTS: And the current interim Prime Minister, Commodore Frank Bainimarama has changed his mind a number of times. Shortly after the coup he said that people who had been in government weren't going to be eligible to stand again, and that would include the current personnel and himself. He has since softened on that and said if the people want him of course he'll run as prime minister. Do you know where he stands on that now because there's been a bit of toing and froing on that issue as to whether people in current positions can stand?
QARASE: I think he has moved away from his original start position. Even people like me I think at the present time he seems to be saying that we can stand in the next election. But really nobody should be stopped from standing for a general election. There should be provision for qualifications for candidates in the constitution, whether the current constitution is used or there is a new one, there will always be qualification requirement. And if you are a citizen of Fiji and you qualify under those terms set out in the constitution, then nobody should be stopped from standing for election.
COUTTS: They've tried to make the claim that they've got to change the constitution because it has racist elements, but if there's a whole party of military who would be made up of i-taaukei that's sort of going back towards that racism that they're trying to get rid of it, isn't it? Or elitism for certain parts of the community?
QARASE: Well under the issue of racism I have always held the view that race is part and parcel of life. Nobody can remove race from any place. It is what God has given mankind, and the challenge for mankind is really to ensure that different ethnic communities live together in peace and prosperity. I think that we have overstated the issue of racism in this country to the point that a lot of people seem to believe that this is a very racist country. We are no better or no worse than any other country with multiracial elements within the community.
COUTTS: Like anywhere we know how much support a party is likely to get because of what they stand for. For instance the Greens we know, the environment and ally to the Labor Party and the various other parties that we have. What kind of a following and support do you think a new party made up of military personnel, how much support and what kind of support would it get?
QARASE: I have a lot of doubts that a party dominated by the military hierarchy will get much support in this country, judging from the reaction of people and what the military regime has done to this country because every aspect of life in Fiji has gone worse from what they were prior to the coup in 2006. So I don't know where the support is going to come from. On the other hand the three main political parties, we are very confident of the support that we have from the general public, including military personnel.
COUTTS: Well sticking on that point of military personnel, have they said anything about their platforms or what the issues might be that they might campaign on?
QARASE: I really don't know, all I know is that in the 2006 general election we had, my party. The SDL Party had 80 per cent from the military personnel. I don't think that percentage has changed. If it has changed it has probably increased.
COUTTS: And the 64-thousand dollar question, and I think you probably already answered it, I asked you once before and you weren't sure, are you going to run again?
QARASE: At this point the answer to that is yes.
COUTTS: Alright then and the military regime, I'll ask you this again too, they haven't responded, because I'm just wondering if they have these elections in 2014 and they want them free and fair, is this suggestion that the military might form their own party a fear that they're going to lose control and it's just one way of keeping their finger on the pulse of running the government after the 2014 elections?
QARASE: I suppose that is the intention because they have tasted power, they like it, they're certainly enjoying the perks and I'm sure that some of them at the top would like to carry on within another democracy if we are going to have one.
COUTTS: And do you think that the elections are on track for 2014?
QARASE: There's already delays, in the month of April they were supposed to have prepared material for what they call, civic education, and civic education should be starting now. I haven't seen any sign of that yet, I haven't seen any printed material. So they're probably running behind time.
COUTTS: Did you have an interview with either Senator Bob Carr of Foreign Minister for New Zealand, Murray McCully in their recent visit?
QARASE: The three of us met them together, not individually; that's Mr Chaudhry, Mr Beddoes and I. We had a meeting with the group for two hours.
COUTTS: Are you able to disclose any of the content of that conversation?
QARASE: Basically it is contained in the joint statement that we issued. I think the main issues that we talked about are covered in that joint statement. Of course the details are not there, and I think what we see in the statement would be sufficient.
COUTTS: Ok what was in the statement?
QARASE: Well we have covered quite a lot of important issues, particularly in relation to the constitutional process. One of the priority areas that we urged the group to consider and take action on is that we haven't got complete freedom in Fiji, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom of the media, freedom of speeches. They are very much restricted, and we insisted that if we are going to have a fair independent constitutional process, that is a pre-condition, we must have complete freedom.
Is Fiji on a march to democracy?
Australia has already said it's too soon to lift sanctions on Fiji, which include a suspension of military co-operation and travel bans on senior members of the Bainimarama government.
That's a position being backed by an Australian organisation that advocates for democracy in Fiji.
The Fiji Democracy and Freedom Movement says heavy censorship of the media in Fiji means there's a heavy reliance on blog sites for both information and political discussion.
Spokesman Tui Savu told Devi Rajaram it will be difficult for the visiting Foreign Ministers to gain an accurate picture of what's happening in Fiji.
Listen to Tui Savu's interview on:
http://www.sbs.com.au/podcasts/Podcasts/radionews/episode/213529/Is-Fiji-on-a-march-to-democracy
or : http://www.sbs.com.au/podcasts/naca/radionews/
Lifting Fiji sanctions a long way off, says Australia
The Australian Foreign Minister, on a visit to Fiji, says easing sanctions against the coup-installed military government there is a long way off.
Senator Bob Carr is in Fiji with the Pacific Islands Forum Ministerial Contact Group to discuss the country's planned return to democracy.
Representatives from New Zealand, Samoa, Tuvalu, Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu are also part of the delegation.
The visit comes as the interim government is engaging in consultations about a new constitution which could be in place before elections scheduled for 2014.
Senator Carr said the easing of Australian sanctions is not something that will be happening soon.
'In the future'
"Reducing sanctions - and our sanctions apply not to the people of Fiji but to members of the interim government - would be several steps in the future," he said.
"We need to see a robust democracy functioning in association with the rule of law. In that context we'll look at the position of sanctions."
Campbell Cooney reports that the Pacific Islands' Forum Ministerial Contact Group starts its meetings on Tuesday.
The news director at Legend FM in Fiji, Vijay Narayan, says the group will be talking to Fiji's last two democratically elected prime ministers and the former opposition leader.
"We've got confirmation from Laisenia Qarase, that he, Mahendra Chaudhry and Mick Beddoes will be meeting," the journalist said.
While the group will meet with interim government ministers, they w will not meet interim Prime Minister, Commodore Frank Bainimarama.
Mr Narayan said" "The Prime Minister is out of the country, he's at a sugar conference in India."
This is the first time the contact group has travelled to Fiji since 2008.
Now, at the doorsteps of the ostensibly first ever free democratic election, signs are not supporting their claims of racial and electoral reforms but most importantly as Bainimarama proclaimed, “the coup to end all coups”
The Gone Marama Bale na Roko Tui Dreketi, clarified her views not to be intimidating or provoking (as translated by Graham Davis) but because of the direct implication on the Fijian people, realistic. This in my view translates into their racial reform being unrealistic to the indigenous interest. That, already, is omitting a vital ingredient from their racial reform brew and one of Fiji’s three Confederacies through their paramount chief has found the beverage tasteless. I have detected some enormous cracks in the foundations they are laying leading up to the election in 2014, due to lack of consultations or consultation full of boundaries, limiting stakeholders to freely voice their opinions. That will only result in bubbles and holes appearing in Fiji’s future which will verify Bainimarama’s claims (coup to end all coups) as a figment of imagination in 2006 and more unrealistic now.
In Bainimarama’s response to Ro Teimumu’s letter, he said that “chiefs had responsibilities to their people but when it comes to the national level, the government takes over” Where is the link that will bring the Fijian’s voice to the government if the GCC is not there, or how will they show discontent of a particular ruling if there is no linkage between the Fijians and government? How will they form a similar body that will accurately disseminate the government’s intentions to the Fijians given the fact whoever is conducting this duty will be seen in the Fijian’s eyes to be talking down to the chief or giving orders to the people and their chiefs. To make a long story short, the chiefs can tell the people to ignore the government and here lies the “fact” about what Ro Teimumu believed.
Father Kevin Barr, People’s Community Consultant, has put out an article in the Fiji Times in which he mentioned the “prophetic role of the Church” This in definition, “the church must raise its voice in criticism whenever the values of human dignity, justice, freedom and community are at stake. To read this from a supporter of the regime, is evidence of more cracks and bubbles in the secular state non-negotiable proposed Constitution. Mosese Tikoitoga publicly announced that they have the Methodist Church in their sights. So, is Father Kevin Barr trying to tell Bainimarama that the Church has a spiritual or advisory role to play in his new democratic Fiji? Is Tikoitoga foreseeing the likelihood of the undeniable involvement of the Church and has held aloft the intimidating figurehead of the military, or is the secular state non-negotiable element another enforced aide-mémoire? Or is Father Kevin Barr just trying to defect and support his Methodist brothers (I seriously think he’s had enough of the lies and deceit)
CMAG has voiced their concerns about the restrictions on the media, unions and people in general. So, how will that sit with Bainimarama as the head of the Constitution Commission, Professor Ghai has the exact same view and demanded that decrees be lifted before consultation starts? From what we have witnessed about Bainimarama‘s reaction to demands, the outcome, I am positive will not be the transparency or inclusiveness of the consultation, neither is there a chance of compromise. If these important factors of consultations are not observed, there will be more cracks and bubbles appearing in the formulation process and I am confident that the policies made, will not be conducive to good governance. This will result in the Constitution not supporting the downward pressure of discontent, dismissive behaviour or just simple rejection of regulation.
I am certain that we will reach that stage in our history which I know will not be too far away only because Bainimarama disrespected the rule of law and some have condoned the act, some even taking advantage of it. I hold the view that the Fijian will tolerate to an extent but they will also respect their structure as it defines them. To dismantle it without respect of its purpose and history is the biggest bubble that will weaken the regime’s foundation. Ro Teimumu had a valid point, Graham Davis doesn’t understand the complexities of our culture and the regime yearns for legitimacy to keep it in power, most importantly for Bainimara, he needs to stay out of jail.
Fiji a predominant Christian country, now torn between faith and fear, disorientated by intimidation and forced to believe that disrespecting the rule of law can be right. If the Son of God respected Human law enough to the point of total submission and death which God are we Fijians really worshipping?
Suliasi Daunitutu.
Fiji rejects claim movement and media restrictions still in place
Fiji's military backed regime has rejected the concerns raised by the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group that there are still restrictions on the media, unions and the population in general.
At its meeting this week the action group said it was happy Fiji had begun the process of formulating a constitution and had lifted the Public Emergency Regulations.
But it also raised concerns about decrees enacted before, or since the lifting of the PER's which are seen as enshrining its restrictions into law, with the council's vice chair raising particular concerns about what he claims is the harassment of union officials.
Those claims have been dismissed by the interim government.
But one of Fiji's leading unionists says the Commonwealth is right to be worried.
Presenter: Pacific Correspondent Campbell Cooney
Speakers: Felix Anthony, General Secretary of the Fiji Trade Unions Council; Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum, Fiji interim attorney general Professor Brij Lal, Australian National University
COONEY: While the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group has commended Fiji's military backed regime for beginning the process of formulating a constitution to replace the one it scrapped in 2009, and also for lifting the Public Emergency Regulations that have been in place for over three years, CMAG was also critical of political events on the pacific nation, pointing out that.
15th April 2012.
Press Release
Graham Davis’ deliberate distortion of the Gone Marama Bale, the Roko Tui Dreketi’s letter to Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama dated 11/04/2012 needs to be refuted because it’s so biased and tantamount to professional recklessness.
First of all, the Gone Marama Bale’s writing to ‘Voreqe’ is definitely within Fijian protocol showing their closeness, despite the differences of their personal situation and to expect her to address him in any other capacity is not only condescending, but outright hypocrisy, which is beyond Grahams’ comprehension.
His escalating the Gone Marama Bale’s letter to Commodore Voreqe as “a titanic struggle looms between the old and new orders in Fiji for the hearts and minds of the indigenous majority – the i’taukei” is nothing short of irresponsible media hype intended to arouse emotion, which was never intended by the writer.
The deliberate choice of title ‘Paramount Chief deals the race card’ is intended to deflect away from the substance of the Gone Marama Bale’s letter to Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama implying a foreign meaning, more sinister in nature and calculated to attract negative reaction from knee jerk reactionaries.
The FDFM wholeheartedly agrees with the gist of the Gone Marama Bale’s letter:
“the obsession to remove racial issues from the governance of this nation is short-sightedness and ill-conceived, for ethnicity is a fact of life. Internationally, ethnicity and culture are recognised and valued, for it is only through racial and ethnic diversity that we can realise civic strength. It is when our nation fully appreciates the different ethnic communities and their culture and learn to accept the different cultures and religion, then only, when we will have everlasting peace in Fiji.”
In my Press Release earlier this month, I did warn the Military Junta after its abolition of the Great Council of Chiefs with the following concluding remarks:
- ”FDFM’s concern is that Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s contorted and short-sighted personal agenda of wanting to dismantle Fijian Institutions because of his Machiavellian pretence; it will free Fijians to a better qualitative life, apparently has fooled Commodore Bainimarama and some others.
- It condescendingly and dangerously fails to grasp the possibility, it could instead unleash and spiral Fijians out of control fuelled by an avalanche of fear and anger directed against Commodore Bainimarama; Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum and their supporters, triggering an implosion within Fiji’s already fragmented Fiji Military Forces & civil population; causing a massive wave of retribution & civil unrest affecting all peoples and the economy, but unfortunately Fijians and Indo-Fijians will bear the brunt, of the likes we’ve never witnessed in modern Fiji before.”
These concerns were never meant to incite people or to arouse racial hatred as tactlessly insinuated by Graham, but rather a concerned warning of what could actually happen because of their current course of action in dismantling Fijian Institutions.
FDFM wishes to reiterate, it was the Great Council of Chiefs who negotiated the release of the Chaudary Government from George Speight’s captivity through the Maunikau Accord, which unfortunately resulted in Speight’s arrest following the subsequent attack on the Kalabu Settlement because of Voreqe’s reneging on his promise and blaming everyone else accept himself.
Graham is ill-advised in using the ‘race card’ as his trump card because this was never the intention of the Gone Marama Bale, thus inviting ridicule and scorn upon himself after being caught out throwing down a trump card whilst having the same suit in his hand at the time, known in Fiji, as “yaraneke.”
The Gone Marama Bale’s insistence on the pivotal role the Great Council of Chiefs play in Fiji’s political landscape cannot be undermined, which has been acknowledged by both former Indian NFP Leader Jay Ram Reddy and current Indian FLP Leader Mahendra Chaudary and fully endorsed by the FDFM.
It’s foolish to think, race and ethnicity can be exorcised in Fiji and nor should it be because as the Gone Marama Bale rightfully alluded to, it’s recognised in International Forums, such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was adopted it at its 62nd Session at its New York Headquarters on 13/09/2007.
Graham’s explicit biased support for Fiji’s illegal Military Junta has deprived him of the ability to see things as they truly are and to discern what not to take at face value. His limited repertoire of tools because of his biasedness reminds me of Abraham Maslow’s quote: “when the only tool you have is a hammer, every problem begins to resemble a nail.”
He missed out on the opportunity to acknowledge and appreciate the courageous stance the Gone Marama Bale is taking in the face of mounting pressure to remain silent not only for her own personal safety, but her Confederacy, Yasana, Tikina and Village, kow tow and be subservient to Fiji’s illegal Military Junta.
Edmund Burke’s quote of “all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing” is a timely warning for Fiji at this time, but unfortunately enforced by people like Graham.
The Gone Marama Bale, knowing the cost to her own personal safety, chooses to speak on behalf of the countless Fijians and Fijian Chiefs who cannot freely speak their minds for fear of reprisal or the withholding of government development projects from their Provinces or Villagers.
She’s already been previously arrested and taken into Police custody in the middle of the night, like a fugitive, but later withdrew her charges, due to insufficient evidence, so she’s fully aware of the implications of her letter, but it’s something she believes Commodore Vorege Bainimarama needed to hear.
Graham’s referring to her as having “embraced the mantle of warrior chieftain – the Boadicea of the South Seas – taking it upon herself to confront Bainimarama head on” is a courageous stance any right minded person would be proud of, yet he fails to appreciate this fact.
The difference between Boadicea and the Gone Marama Bale is that Boadicea almost succeeded against the Romans, whereas the Gone Marama Bale with our assistance; other Freedom Fighters and other support will succeed against Fiji’s illegal Military Junta.
Take Aung San Sui Kyi of Burma for example. She was under house arrest for almost 15 years in Burma under the dictate of its illegal Military Junta, but eventually the Junta caved into international pressure and held democratic elections earlier this month, resulting in her National League for Democracy Party winning 43 of the vacant 45 seats.
I challenge Graham to take a courageous stance like the Gone Marama Bale the Roko Tui Dreketi and the FDFM, which I serve as its President.
Our objection to Fiji’s Military Junta is on record because it’s illegal.
I challenge Graham to take the courageous stance by fully disclosing his interest regarding Fiji’s illegal Military Junta, rather than hiding behind the façade of an Independent Journalist, which he certainly isn’t.
If Graham cannot take this courageous stance, then I suggest he divert his attention elsewhere because we’re talking here about innocent people’s lives and the deprivation of their rights and freedoms, which was usurped by Commodore Vorege Bainimarama in his December 2006 coup.
Suliasi Daunitutu.
National President.
Graham Davis article:
Pacific Scoop:
Analysis – By Graham Davis
A titanic struggle looms between the old and new orders in Fiji for the hearts and minds of the indigenous majority – the i’taukei.
It’s a struggle that will determine the future for all Fiji citizens and on present indications, the portents don’t look good.
Because the old order – the i’taukei chiefs – seem determined to make race the centerpiece of their campaign, to mine all the old prejudices that have retarded independent Fiji’s development right from the start.
The evidence for this is an astonishing letter to the self-proclaimed leader of the “New Order” – Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama – from one of the country’s paramount chiefs –Ro Teimumu Kepa – in which she raises the spectre of “racial calamity” in Fiji.
The phrase has sent a chill through the ranks of non-indigenous Fijians, who comprise 40 percent of the population. Because however much Bainimarama assures them of a bright multiracial future, the old racial skeletons are being rattled at the apex of indigenous society.
Ro Teimumu heads one of the three indigenous confederacies – Burebasaqa – and carries the title Roko Tui Dreketi, which she inherited on the death of Ro Lady Lala Mara, the wife of the founder of modern Fiji and multiracial standard bearer, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara.
From her base in Rewa, outside Suva, Ro Teimumu appears to have embraced the mantle of warrior chieftain – the Boadicea of the South Seas – taking it upon herself to confront Bainimarama head on.
Warrior chieftain?
Her immediate casus belli is Bainimarama’s sudden and unilateral decision to disband Fiji’s Great Council of Chiefs (GCC), depriving it of its previous status in national life and abrogating its power to, among other things, appoint the country’s president.
Chiefs high and low are in revolt, not only over their loss of status and Bainimarama’s lese majeste but also a loss of income as the government bypasses them and channels funding direct to the grassroots.
It has damaged both their pride and their pockets. And many Fijians wonder whether Bainimarama – who has emerged as the ultimate exponent of the “crash through or crash” brand of reform – may have finally overplayed his hand. In any event, he has now been dealt an unwelcome racial card.
In her letter -in which she provocatively addresses the Prime Minister as “Voreqe”, his indigenous Christian name – Ro Teimumu describes his decision to abolish the GCC as “ a serious error of judgment”.
“Despite the shallow criticisms against the role of traditional chiefs, they are the stabilising factor for Fiji and they have helped to control the ethno-nationalism and facilitate conciliation in ethnic relations in Fiji”, she states.
Ro Teimumu continues with a broad attack on a central pillar of Bainimarama’s rule – his multiracial agenda. This includes a level electoral playing field when promised elections are held and the use of the term Fijian to describe all citizens and not just the indigenous majority.
“The obsession to remove racial issues from the governance of this country is short-sighted and ill-conceived, for ethnicity is a fact of life”, Ro Teimumu says.
“The revolutionary changes you are making cannot be made without the involvement of the GCC. Any calamity between the races or even between indigenous Fijians themselves can only be resolved with the involvement of the GCC”, she declares.
In the Fiji context, such a statement from one of the three most senior chiefs in the country has very serious implications. Is Ro Teimumu signaling that without the formal involvement of the chiefs in national life, racial calamity is inevitable?
Many will note her choice of the word calamity. Racial stresses, even tensions, have long been a fact of life in Fiji.
But racial disaster involving great distress and great suffering – the accepted meaning of calamity? Nothing can be more designed to provoke unease and erode community confidence.
Incitement potential
The wider concern is whether this statement has the potential to incite racial hatred and trigger racial conflict in the vanua – especially those areas of indigenous life over which the chiefs still hold great sway, however much their power has been eroded.
In the immediate aftermath of previous coups, a wave of home invasions and bashings descended on Indo-Fijians living in certain parts of the country. Some of it was described as institutionalised violence, in which the authorities allegedly turned a blind eye to flagrant human rights abuses.
Bainimarama has promised the country this will never happen again. But can the racial minorities in Fiji ever take him at his word when a paramount chief invokes the spectre of a “calamitous” reprise?
Ro Teimumu is a formidable opponent – resentful not just of Bainimarama’s truncation of chiefly privileges but from having been a minister in the pro-indigenous SDL government that he removed at gunpoint in 2006. Far from going quietly, she’s been a persistent critic of the regime ever since, forging close ties with the leaders of that other pillar of opposition to the Bainimarama regime – the Methodist Church.
In 2009, she was arrested for defying the military’s ban on the Methodist Church holding its annual conference. She offered to host it herself in Rewa village and was charged with inciting disobedience when she encouraged church members to attend.
Since then, relations between the GCC and the Church have become even closer. The Methodists have strongly criticised the abrogation of the GCC and both cast themselves as the sole remaining bulwarks against Bainimarama’s perceived threat to the indigenous way of life.
Ro Teimumu’s latest missive to the prime minister was the second within days and followed a letter of protest over what she termed the environmental threat posed by the proposed Namosi copper mine outside Suva. That can fairly be cast as the legitimate right of a traditional chief to safeguard the interests of her people.
But raising the prospect of racial conflict in an already volatile wider environment? Even on prominent anti-government blogs like Coup 4.5, Ro Teimumu’s comments have generated a wave of criticism.
One correspondent there termed it “the last gasp of the old order in Fiji” and said even talking about racial calamity made her “unfit to hold any responsible position in national life”.
How the regime will respond is yet to be seen. But Ro Teimumu has emerged as arguably the most potent opposition leader in Fiji – the principal standard bearer for the chiefs, the Methodist Church and the many thousands of traditional indigenous Fijians they still claim to represent. The old Fiji versus the new.
Graham Davis is an independent Fiji-born Australian journalist.
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BLACK TUESDAY - TODAY (10\04\2012)
More than 50 members of the FDFM Australia from Sydney, Canberra, Grifith and Melbourne assembled in front of the Fiji High Commission chanting "WE WANT DEMOCRACY AND WE WANT IT NOW" at around 10am this morning led by FDFM Australia President Suliasi Daunitutu. A letter published below was suppossed to be hand delievered to the staff of the Fiji High Commission but it was later relayed to Mr Daunitutu by the Police that the staffs would not accept the letter but can only be mailed by post to them as they locked themselves inside the building. Police were present in the rally standing in between protesting FDFM members and the High Comission compound.
10th April 2012.
1st Secretary & Acting Head of Mission,
High Commission of the Republic of Fiji,
PO Box 159,
Deakin West,
ACT 2600,
Bula vinaka Mrs Cheryl Brown-Irava,
Re: ‘Black Tuesday Protest & Formal Complaint against Commodore Bainimarama’
On behalf of the Fiji Democracy & Freedom Movement in Australia and its sister Chapters in New Zealand and the United States of America, I wish to inform you of today/s Black Tuesday Protest and formally register an official complaint against Commodore Bainimarama and his illegal Military Junta of which you are its representative here in Australia.
Our Members & supporters worldwide today are wearing black, either in dress, arm-band or ribbon to show their support for our course.
Ever since Commodore Vorege Bainimarama’s treasonous actions on 06/12/2006 when he usurped lawful authority away from PM Laisenia Qarase, he sought to justify his actions on the endemic corruption of PM Laisenia Qarase’s Government and claimed his actions were not a coup, but a CLEAN UP CAMPAIGN.
Eventhough it’s now close to 6 years, no deposed Minister of PM Qarase’s Government has been convicted of any corruption charges nor any evidence produced to substantiate the endemic corruption as claimed by Commodore Vorege Bainimarama in December 2006.
Commodore Bainimarama on the other hand has been alleged to have received an unlawful back pay of his leave entitlements since commencing employment, totalling some $130,000.00 plus many other allegations, including his current salary paid through a private Accounting Firm, and not the Fiji Government Treasurer as is normal government procedure.
Commodore Vorege Bainimarama’s subsequent actions and broken promises since his December 2006 coup leaves much to be desired, however the undisputed fact remain, which is Fiji is worser off now than in December 2006 when PM Laisenia Qarase was running the country, hence this Black Tuesday Protest & Formal Complaint.
Figures relied upon by other organisations such as the ACTU indicate Fiji’s current poverty level stands at 60%, however we believe through our sources, the real statistics would be between 65-80% and rising, which is very alarming indeed. The recent Fiji floods further reveals Commodore Bainimarama’s lack of insight and apathy to Fiji’s dire situation.
Commodore Bainimarama has decimated Fijian Institutions, such as the Great Council of Chiefs and is setting his sights on the Methodist Church of Fiji. I’ve already put out a Press Release warning both Commodore Bainimarama and his illegal Attorney General Aiyaz Sayaed Khaiyum, their short-sightedness policy, could have very disastrous consequences on both the Fijian and Indian peoples of Fiji.
The FDFM calls upon Commodore Vorege Bainimarama to implement the following proposals forthwith:
· Reinstate the Great Council of Chiefs;
· Allow for freedom of association, including removing all restrictions on the Methodist Church in Fiji;
· Allow for the freedom of the press and media;
· Allow for political parties to meet and propose the Constitutional Review Team;
· Appoint a Caretaker Government to be decided by the Political Parties based on the 2006 General Elections results to facilitate the Constitutional Review Process &
· The Fiji Military Forces to return to barracks and not interfere with the Constitutional Review Process and subsequent political process.
The Fiji Democracy & Freedom Movement will continue to push for the return of democracy and the Rule of Law in Fiji and hold accountable all those who played a part and/or benefitted from Commodore Vorege Bainimarama’s 2006 coup.
Vinaka vaka levu.
Yours sincerely,
Suliasi Daunitutu Mr.
National President.
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BLACK TUESDAY - 10\04\2012
SUPPORT BLACK TUESDAY - USE THESE BANNERS ON FACEBOOK AND OTHER SOCIAL SITES AS YOUR PROFILE PHOTO
Banner One Banner Two
This coming Tuesday is the day marked by the Fiji Democracy and Freedom Movement as the day of protest for everyone of us who feel for the nation and its people that have continued to suffer for the last 6 years of the dictatorial leadership of Voreqe Bainimarama the soft hearted and scared military leader using our own Fijian Army to continue to protect him and his cronies from their terrorist acts.
The Bainimarama government has brought so much hardship to the people and have continued to ignore the poor state of our economy and livelyhood. The very people that the Government should look after have been denied their future, the young and old.
Young school leavers can not find jobs and the old have been deprived of their FNPF pensions. Lots of people have lost their jobs and the sugar industry is dying and now its slow death has again been accelerated by the second devastating flood this year alone in the West of Fiji last weekend.
He has continued to trample and supress the voice of the people and the media and also all recognised leaders of our Churches, Vanua, Unions, Communities and Politics so that his voice alone can be heard and his good actions broadcasted in the hope that one day the people may turn around and embrace him as their true leader; a trait commonly identified with all dictatators around the world.
He has abrogated the constitution on the 10th of April 2009 the day of our protest and he has also done the same to the Great Council of Chiefs last month.
It is sad that he has used the damaging flood disaster where people and businesses have suffered so much to continue his acts of trying to win the hearts of the people by the continued daily splashing of his photos with children on almost all the medias in Fiji.
His photographer was none other than his Permanent Secretary, Sharon Johns. It is so sad that they went around evacuation centers taking photos with children whose parents are suffering and don't know how they will look after the future of the same kids Bainimarama is using.
They went to take photos with suffering children but they did not take with them what the suffering hildren and people really needed at the time
So it is now time to stand up.
Show that you don't condone ditatorship. Show that you don't condone Terrorism. Tell Bainimarama and his Government that we the majority want Democracy restored back in our beautiful nation. Let us go into mourning and WEAR BLACK on Tuesday.
It is up to the people of Fiji to put a STOP to the current leadership. If you wear uniform to work what you can do is wear a black ribbon.
TAKE PHOTOS AND SEND IT TO: fijidemocracy@hotmail.com and mention on your email if you don't want your photos published on any blog sites.
If you feel at risk wearing black from authorities because of the environment you are in here are other ways of protest that you can use on the day:
a) Put these banners as your facebook and other social page profile: (Use the banners below if above banner are too small)
BANNER ONE
BANNER TWO
Final details for the Protest Rally in Canberra as confirmed by our National President Suliasi Daunitutu :-
- Assemble at 10am outside the Fiji High Commission -19 Beale Crescent, Deakin ACT 2600 – Phone 02 62605115
-- Protest letter to be handed over to Fiji High Commissioner or representative
-- Proceed to Parliament House Precinct(front lawns), hold speeches & prayers for the people of Fiji - Parliament Drive, Capital Hill ACT 2600
-- Photo shoot session will be taken at Parliament House front lawns.
-- Refreshments will be served at Reid Uniting (Methodist)Church Hall - Coranderrk Street, Reid, ACT
PLEASE NOTE ALL SUPPORTERS ARE KINDLY REQUESTED TO WEAR BLACK.
Many thanks & vinaka vakalevu for remembering the people of Fiji.
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Poor Coordination - People left to Suffer
Commissioner Western, Commander Joeli Cawaki rightly pointed out the urgent need to better manage evacuation centers. Most evacuation centers were initially setup by the people themselves` in neighboring communities because there was a lack of information coming from authorities directing people where to go as water start entering their homes. People just moved in to schools, community halls,churches and whichever property they can get their families into without drowning in that ravaged flood waters. Before they look into proper management of evacuation centers, the authorities should first of all identify proper places that has all necessary fascilities to cater for people's needs during their stay.
FDFM in its own investigation was surprised to see Nawaka District School included as an evacuation center in a news release from the Ministry of Information website released at around 3pm on Saturday
People of Nawaka village and surrounding areas vacated their houses on Saturday morning and moved to the School and the Nawaka Methodist church the two places they normally take refuge in during times of natural disasters The school was a no go Zone at around midday Saturday but read below the Ministry of Information release on the evacuation centers opened to the public:
A total of 11 evacuation centres is now open in the western
division.
The Korovuto Community Hall, Drasa Muslim school, Lovu Sangam, Lomolomo
Village, Sireli Penticoastal Church, Nawaka District, Sabeto Natalau Community Hall, Bara District School,
Lomolomo Public School, Cuvu College is now open to members of the public who
leave close to these centres.
Police are urging members of the public to start moving to higher grounds or to
the nearest evacuation centre in their area.
The above misinforation is just an example of the lack of coordination which could cause the lives of the poor people struggling to find shelter. You only need to look at the photos below to see how such information can lead to death.
While Nawaka District School was named as an evacuation center at 3pm on Saturday; see below the pictures taken from the school at midday Saturday. People were forced to move up to level 2 of the building which has no toilets and proper sanitations. The top floor consists of only 3 classrooms with no taps and toilets. It is not even enough to cater for one tenth of the whole of the Nawaka villagers.
Nawaka District School. How the Ministry of Information named it as an evacuation center is beyond imagination
Speaking to heads of government departments at an emergency operations centre briefing in Lautoka yesterday, Cdr Cawaki said a number of issues raised at the forum over the past three days had to be immediately addressed because of the fact that evacuation centres are already overcrowded and numbers are continuing to rise.
Fiji Labour Party Leader, Mahendra Chaudhry, also raised the same concern saying: “The response from the authorities to requests for evacuation and provision of food, water and medical supplies at the various evacuation centres has been disappointing” said Labour Leader Mahendra Chaudhry.
“It
is a great pity that these unfortunate people who have lost most of their
personal and household belongings had to suffer such indignity and humiliation
at the hands of those who should protect them,” said Mr Chaudhry.
The FLP survey also revealed that rescue operations were hampered by a lack of
four wheel drive vehicles, boats and even such rudimentary equipment such as
ropes and ladders. This is nothing short of dereliction of duty and must be
condemned in the strongest terms.
“One must question the state of preparedness of the disaster management
committees in the various districts. It seems that they are either
ill-resourced or simply not up to the mark for the job,” Mr Chaudhry said.
We call on the government to take immediate steps to rectify the situation.
Nawaka District School Rugby ground was a sea of water with Staff quarters on the bakground all half filled with water
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Qantas offers to rescue Aussies in Fiji
Qantas has told the federal government it will offer relief flights, if needed, to collect up to 2000 Australians stranded in flood-stricken Fiji. Qantas chief executive Alan Joyce has told Foreign Minister Bob Carr the airline will provide any necessary relief flights as tourists scramble to escape the disaster. The airline does not operate regular flights to and from Fiji.
"At this stage we have not received a formal request from the Department of Foreign Affairs to schedule extra flights but we will continue to hold regular discussions with them as the situation develops," Qantas said on Monday night.
Senator Carr said earlier he was heartened by the message from Mr Joyce. "There are a lot of frustrated Australians who just want to get home," he told reporters on Monday. He said he was confident Australians who wanted to get out would be able to, and there was no need for a government-supported evacuation.
But he also warned of more bad weather on the way. Meteorologists have warned a tropical depression is forming which could turn into Cyclone Daphne. "The cyclone expected in 24 to 48 hours is likely to delay flights but how long we just don't know," he said. Senator Carr has also announced $1 million worth of emergency aid - in the form of blankets, tarpaulins and water purification tablets - for Fiji.
Australia has also provided $28,000 through a local non-government organisation to enable helicopter needs assessments of some of the worst-affected areas. Fiji is struggling to cope with the floods that have brought the country almost to a standstill. A state of emergency was declared in the South Pacific nation on Sunday as flash floods killed at least three people and forced 8000 from their homes.
No Australians are believed to have been killed or injured.
Nawaka District School in Nadi under water
The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade says Australian officials are monitoring the availability of food and water at popular hotels and resorts. Three officials are also now stationed at Nadi Airport to assist Australians. Australians in need of consular help can call DFAT's crisis centre on +61 2 6261 3305.
New Zealand Prime Minister John Key said his nation would work with non-government agencies rather than Commodore Frank Bainimarama's regime.
"Yes, we disagree with the formation of that government through force but we have a long history with Fiji, we love their people and we are going to support them."
Soure: ninemsn
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FDFM responds to Tikoitoga's Claim over Methodist Church of Fiji:
PRESS RELEASE
FDFM wishes to respond to ‘loose cannon’ Land Force Commander Colonel Mosese Tikoitoga’s claim “the Methodist Church is the only religious body in the country that is heavily involved in politics. Why? Because they have their own agenda to push forward…”
- Throughout Fiji’s history both pre and post colonisation and from Independence up to this current time, Churches and Religious Bodies have always been heavily involved in Fiji’s politics, especially when certain cultural practices, government policies, regulations or laws to be enacted are viewed by the Churches or Religious Bodies as detrimental to its Members. For instance.
Pre-colonisation:
- Fiji’s early recorded history reveals cannibalism was practiced in parts of Fiji when the Wesleyan Missionaries landed on our shores in 1834.
- There are also recorded instances, when these Missionaries and/or Members without fear or concern for their own personal safety, wilfully violated accepted Fijian customs at the time and interceded directly with the Chief, for the lives of its Members or Fijians in general who were designated for the lovo and many lives were spared.
- When the Chiefs, such as Cakobau converted to Christianity, this heinous Fijian custom and others like strangulation permanently ceased.
- Catholic Priests also wilfully violated accepted Fijian customs when they arrived later in Fiji, but their efforts also saved lives, which played a role in permanently ceasing these heinous Fijian customs at the time.
Colonisation:
- Pundit Vishnu Deo OBE was elected to Fiji’s Legislative Council from 1929, until his retirement in 1959. He was the 1st Fiji born leader of the Fiji Indians and was the most powerful Fiji Indian political leader and founder of a number of social and religious organisations and staunch supporter of the Arya Samaj in Fiji.
- The Governor of Fiji declared 15/05/1929 as a day of celebration commemorating 50 years since the arrival of the 1st indentured labourers, but Pundit Vishnu Deo, rightfully disagreed with the Governor’s declaration because he wanted this day to be a day of fasting and prayer instead.
- He organised a meeting in Lautoka on 12/05/1929, where it was decided they fast and pray on this day and to also form the Fiji Indian National Congress, which was the largest Fiji Indian Political Party in Fiji’s political history.
- Whilst there was an official ceremony and floats through Suva on 15/05/1929, Pundit Vishnu Deo and his associates displayed a black flag and burnt the indenture system in an effigy.
- He was also instrumental in advising Indo Fijians against joining the Army during WWII and to only enlist if they were paid the same wages as Europeans, which did not happen.
- He also wrote to Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru asking for a copy of the Indian National Congress Constitution because he wanted to form a similar Congress in Fiji and received Nehru’s blessing.
Independence:
- Now as we come to the Fiji’s modern era of Independence, Churches and Religious Bodies were always advocating for the best interest of its Members & Institution throughout this period as well, which is a normal facet of any democratic in world today.
- For instance, the Methodist Church in Fiji has always staunchly objected to successive governments’ intention of introducing Gaming and Casino’s into Fiji because of its disastrous negative social impact upon the people of Fiji, which this illegal Military Junta has simply ignored and given approval to One Hundred Sands Limited.
- Whilst it true, a great majority of the Methodist Church Leadership did support Rabuka in his 1987 coup, its President Rev. Josateki Koroi maintained the Church’s stance, but was later removed by some within the Church because he was seen as an obstacle.
- It must not be forgotten, other Christian Church Leaders also supported Rabuka’s 1987 coup and one popular Church Leader of Fiji’s largest Pentecostal Church went back into uniform and was at preaching at the QEB.
- It’s widely perceived by many that both the Catholic Church and Indian Religious bodies such as the Arya Pratinidhi Sabha of Fiji (APS/Fiji) & Shree Sanatan Dharm Pratinidhi Sabha (SSDPS) supported Commodore Vorege’s coup in December 2006.
- Arch Bishop Petero Mataca’s co-chairing the People’s Charter for Change, Peace and Progress with Commodore Vorege Bainimarama and the APS & SSDPS requesting their sister organisations in both Australia and New Zealand to make representations to their respective governments to lift their sanctions against Fiji lends credibility to the above perception.
- Arch Bishop Mataca was approached by several prominent Members of his Church in Fiji, to request His Grace to reconsider his decision of co-chairing the People’s Charter with Commodore Bainimarama because it will implicate and imply the Catholic Church supports Commodore Bainimarama’s illegal coup, but Arch Bishop Mataca had already made up his mind.
- When asked by one of the prominent Church Members 2 years later at a dinner after his resignation from co-chairing the People Charter whether he regretted taking on the co-chair, he maintained his previous stance, but then disclosed “Frank, only listens to Frank.”
Current time:
- From this brief snapshot of Fiji’s history, it clearly shows not only the Methodist Church as being ‘politicised’ and involved in Fiji’s political history, but other Christian Churches and Indian Religious Leaders and Bodies as well disputing Land Force Colonel Mosese Tikoitoga’s absurd biased allegations against the Methodist Church.
- There’s nothing inherently wrong in their involvement in politics and as a matter of fact it should be encouraged, however they should remain independent of government and be the voice of reason and conscience.
- Most if not all Christian Church Leaders; Hindu Leaders; Muslim Leaders; Rotuman Leaders; Chinese Leaders, etc have been involved at one time or another in Fiji’s political history, which is a legitimate role, so why is the illegal Military Junta specifically targeting only the Methodist Church in Fiji?
- Why hasn’t Rev Akuila Yabaki and his Fiji’s Citizens’ Constitutional Forum spoken against the illegal Military Junta for discriminating against the Methodist Church in Fiji, of which he’s a former Ordained Minister?
- It’s seems inconsistent and contradictory when Rev. Yabaki on one hand is trying to get the illegal Military Junta to make racial discrimination and vilification on the grounds of religion a crime, yet remains conspicuously silent whilst the illegal Military Junta discriminates and vilifies the Methodist Church.
- The Indian Religious and Political Leaders have been demanding since colonisation the introduction of a common roll electoral system, which became a point of contention during the 1965 London Constitutional Talks. The illegal Minister for Elections Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum has been able to achieve what SM Koya couldn’t with the barrel of the gun.
- We don’t deny the Methodist Church has been politicised over the years, but so has other Christian Churches, Indian Religious Bodies and others as well.
- Ironically, it’s the illegal Military Junta together with Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum and his shadowy figures, who have become over politicised, to the extent they’ve deliberately committed treason and usurped lawful authority away from an elected PM Qarase led Government and now pretend to be working for Fiji’s best interest.
- Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum and the Military Junta have “their own agenda to push forward”, which is the dismantling of Fijian Institutions that pose a threat to their precarious existence, such as the Great Council of Chiefs and now the Methodist Church in Fiji, exposing Land Force Commander Colonel Tikoitoga’s unsubstantiated claim is simply an orchestrated façade.
………………………
Suliasi Daunitutu.
National President.
27/03/2012.
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Landforce Commander, Colonel Mosese Tikoitoga, is the Fiji military's latest weapon of intimidation aimed directly at the people of Fiji. His recent torrent of statements, obviously authorized by Fiji’s dictator, Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, is poisoning the political atmosphere.
It is impossible for Fiji to embark on free and open consultations on constitutional change when the army is adopting a threatening public stance. Colonel Tikoitoga is reinforcing the warnings already given by the dictator through speeches, interviews and military parades and marches.
The signal Tikoitoga is sending from headquarters is that the army is in charge, it is watching, and ready to act if the Commodore gives the order.
Colonel Tikoitoga has demonstrated once more that, like his leader, he has great difficulties with the truth and has a crude and clueless appreciation of politics.
This is very evident in his recent lectures to Fiji’s politicians about multi-racialism and claims they are clinging to the 1997 constitution because it permits them to appeal to their ethnic voters. He is also demonizing politics and threatening to wipe it from the face of Fiji society.
He is obviously staking out Bainimarama’s claim for the army to have a permanent and aggressive role in the political life of Fiji, against all the principles of liberal democracy.
He is telling a massive lie when he claims that the 1997 constitution was abrogated as soon as the Bainimarama coup was executed in 2006. This, he says, was part of the army’s “clean-up” of Fiji.
His statement underlines the dysfunctional and chaotic nature of the Bainimarama regime.
Colonel Tikoitoga plainly does not know that the number one priority of Bainimarama after 2006 was to uphold the 1997 constitution. He supposedly did that until 2009 when the Court of Appeal ruled his government was illegal. It was only then that Bainimarama purported to abrogate the constitution. By that time it had become part of his so-called Peoples Charter and it is still a bulwark of that misconceived and illegitimate document. So even though the constitution has been allegedly thrown out, it remains central to his policies. That is what is meant by dysfunctional government.
Tikoitoga appears to believe that if racial voting systems are removed from the 1997 constitution the people of Fiji will immediately stop voting on racial lines. This is stupid thinking. It will take a long time for the populace to fully embrace multi-racialism, especially after the damage to interracial relationships caused by the Bainimarama coup. Dictatorship, laws and decrees will not change attitudes that are deeply entrenched among Fijians and Indians.
Tikoitoga himself is a key figure in one of the most racist institutions in Fiji. Membership of the Fiji military forces is nearly 100 per cent Fijian. Tikoitoga, the new apostle of togetherness, should tell the nation what his plans are for recruiting Fiji Indian soldiers. In all my years in the Fiji Armed Forces I never heard concerns raised internally about its overwhelming dominance by indigenous Fijians. Bainimarama wanted it to remain that way. Indians were to be largely excluded, just as they have been shut out from Cabinet and other parts of government.
In his obsessive dislike of politics, Tikoitoga is ignoring the very concept of political rights. He does not understand that politics extends through all levels of society. It is part of life.
Tikoitoga continues to justify the 2006 coup, repeating all the false and phony justifications for it. In doing this recently, he made the outlandish claim that Bainimarama was motivated by his understanding of the principles of democracy!
In another outrageous statement recently, Tikoitoga maintained that the Fiji army’s role was no different from that of the New Zealand Army! He knows absolutely that this is a bold-faced lie. The New Zealand Army has never committed treason, established a dictatorship, and suppressed and brutalized New Zealanders.
The Landforce Commander is also telling lies when he says the Fiji military will not play a special part in the constitutional consultations. He is making it very clear in his public posturing that the army will act as an enforcer, to fulfill the will of its Commander. It is ready to support whatever action he takes, even if that is another coup.
The best option for Colonel Tikoitoga at this point is exile to Mali where he could offer to advise the coup leader there, Captain Sanogo, how to completely stuff up his country.
Ratu Tevita Uluilakeba Mara
For the Council for a Democratic Fiji
FDFM AUSTRALIA CALLS FOR "BLACK DRESS DAY" - TUESDAY 10th APRIL, 2012
The Fiji Democracy Freedom Movement Australia is calling all Fijians and friends of Fiji to peacefully protest and make a stand against the illegal regime of dictator Voreqe Bainimarama by wearing black on Tuesday the 10th of April, 2012. The 1997 constitution was abrogated on the 10th of April and hence the reason why the day was chosen to be called "Black Tuesday".
Everyone are asked to wear black on the day to show Bainimarama that we the people of Fiji do not agree with his many decisions that he has decreed one of which was the de-establishment of the GCC on the eve leading up to the Constitution consultation to begin soon.
FDFM Australia is asking every citizens of Fiji to riseup and tell Bainimarama and his supporters that we don't like his leadership and his forceful decisions that he has delivered without our mandate. We have travelled through six years of his leadership and the 10th of April is the day where the people of Fiji will stand together like never before.
Below is the press release from the Movement:
PRESS RELEASE
The FDFM Inc. Australia is mandated to speak out and advocate on behalf of the voiceless and downtrodden peoples of Fiji and openly respond to Fiji’s illegal prime minister Commodore Vorege Bainimarama’s announcing the formal de-establishment of Fiji’s Great Council of Chiefs last week and his appointment of Professor Yash Pal Ghai; Professor Satendra Nandan and Taufa Vakatale to Fiji’s Constitutional Commission.
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The unilateral decision taken by Commodore Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum to de-establish Fiji’s 136 year old Institution of the Great Council of Chiefs without consulting its Stakeholders reveals the height of their haughtiness and correlating attitude of abhorrence towards Fiji’s Paramount Chiefs and the Fijian people.
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The justification cited by Commodore Bainimarama that since the Great Council of Chiefs was created by British colonialism and has become “politicised to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry” is so naïve and without substance.
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The Great Council of Chiefs have been a cornerstone of Fiji’s history and as the Gone Marama Bale the Roko Tui Dreketi correctly explains, the Great Council of Chiefs, has stood for all the peoples of Fiji, not just Fijians.
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The Great Council of Chiefs has been politicised over the years like many other organisations, formed to serve a particular racial group in Fiji, but to make unfounded allegations that it’s been ‘politicised to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry’, shows an ulterior motive because that long bow now extends to other organisations such as the Arya Pratinidhi Sabha of Fiji; Arya Samaj; Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat-i-Islam & Fiji Muslim League, etc, but why weren’t they de-established as well?
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Furthermore, if Commodore Bainimarama genuinely believed this, then why didn’t he de-establish the Fiji Military Forces including the Fiji Naval Forces and Fiji Police Force at the same time because they’re all creatures of British colonialism too, but have become more “politicised than the Great Council of Chief to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry?”
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This selective inconsistent unilateral decision by Commodore Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum prior to constitutional talks in Fiji raises grave doubts as to the freedom and transparency of the constitutional talks.
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Commodore Bainimarama’s appointing Professor Yash Pal Ghai, Professor Satendra Nand and Taufa Vakatale to head Fiji’s Constitutional Commission doesn’t resemble any form of respectability; legitimacy nor inspires any degree of confidence from the outset with the majority of the people of Fiji or the world.
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We concur with former Prime Ministers Laisenia Qarase (SDL) & Mahendra Chaudary’s (FLP) statements objecting to their selection because it should have originated from Fiji’s Stakeholders at its Meeting rather than being imposed.
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If Commodore Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum wants to be taken seriously about their claim of holding a free and transparent constitutional talks in Fiji, than they should:
The unilateral decision taken by Commodore Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum to de-establish Fiji’s 136 year old Institution of the Great Council of Chiefs without consulting its Stakeholders reveals the height of their haughtiness and correlating attitude of abhorrence towards Fiji’s Paramount Chiefs and the Fijian people.
The justification cited by Commodore Bainimarama that since the Great Council of Chiefs was created by British colonialism and has become “politicised to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry” is so naïve and without substance.
The Great Council of Chiefs have been a cornerstone of Fiji’s history and as the Gone Marama Bale the Roko Tui Dreketi correctly explains, the Great Council of Chiefs, has stood for all the peoples of Fiji, not just Fijians.
The Great Council of Chiefs has been politicised over the years like many other organisations, formed to serve a particular racial group in Fiji, but to make unfounded allegations that it’s been ‘politicised to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry’, shows an ulterior motive because that long bow now extends to other organisations such as the Arya Pratinidhi Sabha of Fiji; Arya Samaj; Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat-i-Islam & Fiji Muslim League, etc, but why weren’t they de-established as well?
Furthermore, if Commodore Bainimarama genuinely believed this, then why didn’t he de-establish the Fiji Military Forces including the Fiji Naval Forces and Fiji Police Force at the same time because they’re all creatures of British colonialism too, but have become more “politicised than the Great Council of Chief to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry?”
This selective inconsistent unilateral decision by Commodore Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum prior to constitutional talks in Fiji raises grave doubts as to the freedom and transparency of the constitutional talks.
Commodore Bainimarama’s appointing Professor Yash Pal Ghai, Professor Satendra Nand and Taufa Vakatale to head Fiji’s Constitutional Commission doesn’t resemble any form of respectability; legitimacy nor inspires any degree of confidence from the outset with the majority of the people of Fiji or the world.
We concur with former Prime Ministers Laisenia Qarase (SDL) & Mahendra Chaudary’s (FLP) statements objecting to their selection because it should have originated from Fiji’s Stakeholders at its Meeting rather than being imposed.
If Commodore Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum wants to be taken seriously about their claim of holding a free and transparent constitutional talks in Fiji, than they should:
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reinstate the Great Council of Chiefs forthwith and let its future be decided by its Stakeholders and role determined during the constitutional talks;
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stop forthwith any further dismantling of Fijian Institutions;
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allow the Stakeholders, consisting of Political Parties; Church Leaders; Religious & Civic Leaders; GCC; NGO’s & Youth Leaders to freely determine the composition of the Constitutional Commission;
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allow freedom of association, press, movement and speech to all citizens and organisations in Fiji;
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allow foreign organisations to monitor the discussions leading up to the selection of the Constitutional Commission; constitutional discussion; formulation and promulgation of the Constitution and subsequent General Elections in 2014.
reinstate the Great Council of Chiefs forthwith and let its future be decided by its Stakeholders and role determined during the constitutional talks;
stop forthwith any further dismantling of Fijian Institutions;
allow the Stakeholders, consisting of Political Parties; Church Leaders; Religious & Civic Leaders; GCC; NGO’s & Youth Leaders to freely determine the composition of the Constitutional Commission;
allow freedom of association, press, movement and speech to all citizens and organisations in Fiji;
allow foreign organisations to monitor the discussions leading up to the selection of the Constitutional Commission; constitutional discussion; formulation and promulgation of the Constitution and subsequent General Elections in 2014.
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Anything short of the above makes a mockery of Fiji’s Military Regime’s claim of a fair and transparent constitution discussion and further reinforces the view held by FDFN, that this expensive exercise is all a façade.
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It’s a facade orchestrated by a handful within Fiji’s Military Regime to keep the general populace preoccupied, focused and wishfully hoping on a fair outcome from the constitutional talks, whose outcome has already been pre-determined, whilst the Regime continues its policy of decimating Fijian Institutions.
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Isn’t it too much of a coincidence we ask, that Fiji’s illegal AG & newly appointed illegal Minister for Elections Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s thesis ‘Cultural Autonomy’ whilst studying at the University of Hong Kong called for this decimation and according to some unconfirmed sources was allegedly supervised by Professor Yash Pal Ghai, who now heads Fiji’s Constitutional Commission?
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FDFM’s concern is that Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s contorted and short-sighted personal agenda to dismantle Fijian Institutions because of his Machiavellian pretence; it will free Fijians to a better qualitative life, apparently has fooled Commodore Bainimarama and some others, which can be easily gauged from the words used by Commodore Bainimarama in justifying the de-establishment of the Great Council of Chiefs.
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Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum perilously fails to grasp the real possibility, it could instead unleash and spiral Fijians out of control fuelled by an avalanche of fear and anger directed against Commodore Bainimarama; Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum and their supporters, triggering an implosion within Fiji’s already fragmented Fiji Disciplined Forces & civil population; resulting in considerable retribution & civil unrest affecting all peoples and the economy, but unfortunately, its the Fijians and Indo-Fijians who will bear its full brunt, of the likes never witnessed in Fiji before.
National President.
Suliasi Daunitutu.
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Bainimarama and Khaiyum warned arrogance against Fiji people could unleash reprisal
The Fiji Democracy and Freedom of Australia has called for the reinstatement of the Great Cuncil of Chiefs and warned the regime's continuing efforts to decimate Fijian institutions could lead to a backlash from the Fijian people.
In a statement signed by the president Suliasi Daunitutu, FDFM denounces the decision by the illegal prime minister Voreqe Bainimarama to formally disestablish the GCC and to appoint Professor Yash Pal Ghai, Professor Satendra Nandan and Taufa Vakatale to Fiji’s Constitutional Commission.
FDFM says the decision by Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum to abolish the GCC without consulting stakeholders reveals what they say is Bainimarama and Khaiyum's arrogance and abhorrence towards Fijian paramount chiefs and the Fijian people.
It says the justification used by Bainimarama - that since the Great Council of Chiefs was created by British colonialism and has become “politicised to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry” - is without substance.
"If Commodore Bainimarama genuinely believed this, then why didn’t he de-establish the Fiji Military Forces including the Fiji Naval Forces and Fiji Police Force at the same time because they are all creatures of British colonialism too - but more “politicised than the Great Council of Chief to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry?"
FDFM says the decision raises serious doubts about the authencity of the constitutional talks.
"The Military Regime’s choosing Professor Yash Pal Ghai, Professor Satendra Nand and Taufa Vakatale to head Fiji’s Constitutional Commission, in our view is utterly compromised and doesn’t resemble any form of respectability; legitimacy or inspires any degree of confidence at the outset with the majority of the people of Fiji or the world and we concur with former Prime Ministers Laisenia Qarase (SDL) & Mahendra Chaudary’s (FLP) statements objecting to their selection because it should have originated from Fiji’s Stakeholders at its meeting instead of being unilaterally imposed by the Military Regime."
FDFM says if the regime wants to be taken seriously it should:
(a) reinstate the Great Council of Chiefs and let its future and role be decided by its stakeholders during the constitutional talks;
(b) stop any further dismantling of Fijian Institutions;
(c) allow the Stakeholders, consisting of Political Parties; Church Leaders; Religious & Civic Leaders; GCC; NGO’s & Youth Leaders to determine the composition of the Constitutional Commission;
(d) allow freedom of association, press, movement and speech;
(e) allow foreign organisations to monitor the discussions leading up to the selection of the Constitutional Commission; constitutional discussion; formulation and promulgation of the Constitution and subsequent General Elections in 2014
"Anything short of the above makes a mockery of Fiji’s Military Regime’s claim of a fair and transparent constitution discussion and only reinforces the view held by FDFN, that this is all a façade.
"It’s a facade to keep the general populace preoccupied, focused and hopeful on the constitutional talks, whose outcome has already been pre-determined, whilst it continues with its policy of decimating Fijian Institutions."
FDFM says destroying Fijian institutions was the basis of Sayed-Khaiyum’s University of Hong Kong ‘Cultural Autonomy’ thesis, which was supervised by Yash Ghai.
"FDFM’s concern is that Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s contorted and short-sighted personal agenda of wanting to dismantle Fijian Institutions because of his Machiavellian pretence; it will free Fijians to a better qualitative life, apparently has fooled Commodore Bainimarama and some others.
"It condescendingly and dangerously fails to grasp the possibility, it could instead unleash and spiral Fijians out of control fuelled by an avalanche of fear and anger directed against Commodore Bainimarama; Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum and their supporters, triggering an implosion within Fiji’s already fragmented Fiji Military Forces & civil population; causing a massive wave of retribution & civil unrest affecting all peoples and the economy, but unfortunately Fijians and Indo-Fijians will bear the brunt, of the likes we’ve never witnessed in modern Fiji before."
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Call for UN to intervene in Fiji over indigenous rights
The paramount chief of Fiji’s Rewa province is calling for the United Nations to intervene over what she describes as an erosion of democracy in her country.
Ro Teimumu Kepa said the decision by the prime minister Commodore Frank Bainimarama to dissolve the Great Council of Chiefs, along with his assumption of responsibility for appointing chairs of provincial councils, contravene indigenous rights.
Ro Teimumu, the paramount chief of Rewa
Ro Teimumu, the paramount chief of RewaRo Teimumu thinks there’ll be an acceleration of similar decisions, right down to village level, in the formulation of a new constitution.
“This is a case I believe that UN body should be looking into. It’s all part of the same thing that will determine their long life in their autocratic ways of dealing with people in Fiji.”
Ro Teimumu Kepa said the Great Council of Chiefs has stood all of Fiji’s people - not just the indigenous Fijians - in good stead.
She also said the 2006 coup has only lasted so long because the regime suspended the council shortly after it took power.
Meanwhile, a Fiji solicitor who has addressed the United Nations on the erosion of indigenous rights in his country says itaukei or indigenous people are too afraid to speak out.
Niko Nawaikula said under UN law a government cannot amend legislation pertaining to the council without the consent of the indigenous people.
Niko Nawaikula speaking in Melbourne during the FDFM Australia national conference
He said the regime in Fiji has done almost everything possible to erode indigenous rights but itaukei remain silent.
“Because they don’t want to get hurt. They have employment. Most of them are employed by the government. Most of them are related to the military people. They don’t want to raise their head for fear of repercussions and that’s happened and that is the situation. They’re waiting for after the election happens when there is total freedom and liberty and they can say something,” Nawaikula told Radio New Zealand
Nawaikula said the council’s abolition will be one of the issues he raises at the UN later this year.
He said itaukei’s only hope of taking a formal legal case to the UN is if New Zealand, Australia or another bigger country are prepared to provide backing.
And Fiji’s Methodist Church wants an external body replace the Great Council of Chiefs.
Speaking to FijiLive assistant general secretary Reverend Tevita Nawadra said they want to see the government appoint an external body to look after i-Taukei interests.
“Only the i-Taukei Affairs board is looking after the i-Taukei’s interest and this is not enough,” he said. Rev Nawadra said the GCC has done tremendous work for our country and the government should have approached them first before making a decision about abolishing the 136-year-old institution.
“Even though many have disagreed with the removal of the GCC, it’s sad to know that nothing can be done about it,” he said.
“What people can do now is wait for the constitution consultation process to take place in order to voice their opinions.” The GCC was formally abolished last Friday.
The decision was announced by Prime Minister Commodore Bainimarama this Wednesday.
SOURCE: RNZI/ FIJI LIVE/
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Samoa PM renews call for Fiji military to be disbanded
Samoa’s prime minister has renewed his call for the Fiji military to be disbanded.
Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi says the military should let the boys go out and fish and farm and play rugby and not keep them cooped up in military forts thinking up schemes to overthrow their government.
Fiji’s military carried out four coups in 19 years.
As for the proposed constitutional review in Fiji, Tuilaepa says it is unnecessary, adding that the 1997 constitution should be reinstated.
Despite promises to hold elections, he says the Fiji interim prime minister, Commodore Frank Bainimarama, has done nothing to convince him he will take Fiji back to democratic governance.
Tuilaepa also says he has seen some gruesome photos of soldiers, he says, were killed under Commodore Bainimarama’s orders.
He says the photos were taken by a priest and he is now more convinced at the level of violence and ruthlessness this man is capable of.
News Content © Radio New Zealand International
PO Box 123, Wellington, New Zealand
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Fiji moves to abolish Council of Chiefs
Fiji's President Ratu Epeli Nailatikau has approved decrees that formally abolish the nation's Great Council of Chiefs.
The interim government says the institution was created by the British during colonialism and in modern times has become politicised.
It says this has led to the detriment of Fiji's pursuit of a common and equal citizenry.
One of the highest ranking chiefs has expressed disappointment at the interim government's decision to abolish the council. Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu told Radio Australia's Pacific Beat: "I think it's a sad day for the chiefs, especially for the institution.
"I only hope that some good sense could have prevailed so we could have talks as to how best we could find ways to ensure that the institution remains."
The interim government says the institution was created by the British during colonialism and in modern times has become politicised.
It says this has led to the detriment of Fiji's pursuit of a common and equal citizenry.
One of the highest ranking chiefs has expressed disappointment at the interim government's decision to abolish the council. Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu told Radio Australia's Pacific Beat: "I think it's a sad day for the chiefs, especially for the institution.
"I only hope that some good sense could have prevailed so we could have talks as to how best we could find ways to ensure that the institution remains."
Ratu Naiqama in a Fijian traditional ceremony (photo: coup4.5)
The interim Prime Minister, Commodore Frank Bainimarama, says the Great Council of Chiefs is a product of Fiji's colonial past and Fiji must now focus on a future in which all Fijians are represented on the same basis.
He says to enable all Fijians to have their say during the consultations for Fiji's new constitution every voice must be equally heard and equally represented.
FDFM Australia media officer, Mr Vonivate Driu, said that it is now clear that having a public consultation on the makeup of the new Constitution is all talk and lies from the current regime and is a waste of time and tax payers money.
"Issues concerning the role of the GCC in the new Constitution should await peoples views during consultation to be presented to the Commission. The abrogation of the GCC has paved the way for the dictator to dictate his own terms to various issues linked with the GCC in the new constitution. Bainimarama is now dishing out what he wants on the new Constitution which defies his earlier statement on the involvement of all Fiji citizens in the Constitution consultation process to begin soon. With the abrogation of the GCC, half the work is done to enable him to take the helm of Presidency which is quite clear to everyone so that he can still head the Military an Institute that he can not let go to safeguard his own security. This is not about the GCC, it is about Bainimarama becoming the President of Fiji."
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Ratu Naiqama in a Fijian traditional ceremony (photo: coup4.5)
The interim Prime Minister, Commodore Frank Bainimarama, says the Great Council of Chiefs is a product of Fiji's colonial past and Fiji must now focus on a future in which all Fijians are represented on the same basis.
He says to enable all Fijians to have their say during the consultations for Fiji's new constitution every voice must be equally heard and equally represented.
Yash Ghai A Puppet of Bainimarama and Khaiyum
Neutrality of new Fiji Constitution chair questioned- Posted on Coup 4.5
A look at the writings and the connections of Yash Ghai, the newly-appointed chair of the Constitution Commission, reveal he's already pretty thick with the regime.
Ghai, Cottrell, and Khaiyum.pic CCF
The Kenyan born academic has been closely associated with the Citizens Constitutional Forum, supervised the controversial thesis of the illegal attorney Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum which recommended the dismantling of key Fijian institutions, and met Frank Bainimarama after the 2000 Speight coup for “legal consultations”.
In 2004, Ghai disclosed his meeting with Bainimarama as follows: “When I was in Fiji in October 2000, the Head of the Armed Forces invited me for consultations, particularly in view of the impending Court of Appeal decision on the legality of the coup. All senior officers were carrying copies of the Constitution. During our conversation, I was told that the Army had only begun to study it, and, to their surprise, found it was an excellent constitution and a better one could not be imagined.
"But they had not known this when they more or less supported the coup! Not that the army came out in support of the constitution at that time. But is interesting to note that within a few years of the coup, the Army became one of the institutions in the nation that was relatively supportive of the Constitution. Over the last year, the army has strongly objected to the government’s plans to grant amnesty to the coup plotters, and the Commander even threatened a coup.”
Readers may also recall that last month Ghai surfaced in Fiji to launch his handbook on “Constitution making and reform: options for the process”. The book was officially launched by former vice-president, Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi (a CCF member), at the CCF headquarters in Suva. Among the guests was Yash Ghai’s former student, Khaiyum, who sat next to the Kenyan and his wife Jill Cottrell, one of the co-authors of the handbook.
C4/5 understands the book launch was a carefully choreographed exercise to pave the way for Ghai to turn his constitution making “handbook” into a “cookbook” on behalf of the illegal regime.
The CCF CEO Akuila Yabaki’s statements that welcomed Ghai’s appointment as chair of the Constitution can be seen as nothing but a charade to hide CCF’s own complicity in the drawing up of a new illegal constitution.
As we can see below, (see earlier Constitution story on CCF and Jenny Hayward-Jones), Yabaki is trotting out some of the issues raised by Ghai; note his recent statement that decisions have to be made about the role of the Great Council of Chiefs plus land ownership.
So what are Yash Ghai’s views on the 1997 Constitution and other related issues in Fiji?
We direct our readers to the following chapter Between Coups: Constitution Making in Fiji, Ghai and his wife wrote for a book titled, Framing the State in Times of Transistion: Case Studies in Constitution Making.
In their conclusion, the husband and wife team had the following to say about the 1997 Constitution:
"Some commentators have concluded that the Constitution was fundamentally flawed because it permitted the emergence of an Indo-Fijian Prime Minister and this was unacceptable to the Fijian community. We find this a simplistic analysis. It is true that this Prime Minister was perhaps particularly hard for the other community to swallow. But it is also true that the result of the 1999 election made it much easier for those sections of society that really did not want any change in the constitutionally sanctioned reinforcement of Fijian paramountcy – meaning the paramountcy of a particular class and a particular structure for society – to portray the entire constitutional settlement as a disaster for Fijians. It was easier for this to be done because so few people really understood the document.
"How much could have been done by way of public education within the timeframe is not clear. But we have shown that the process was far less transparent and participatory than it might have been, and we have also tried to show why this was so. The experience of other countries has shown that in the final analysis what matters may be more the views of community leaders than the participation of the people themselves. And though Rabuka and Reddy may have tried to lead in one direction, other leaders were marching determinedly in another.
"The content of the constitution itself may share some of the blame. The electoral system that hardly anyone understood was responsible to some extent for the 1999 election result. The power sharing arrangement that is technically clumsy and politically unworkable with the current players gives the current government a good reason for pressing for constitutional amendment. And we have noted the awkward marrying of the liberal and the consociational that retained many ambiguities of the past.
"A constitution is not established in a vacuum. In order for a new and just constitutional system to take root in Fiji, a great deal of damage from the past must be undone. Much of that damage can be traced to the colonial experience, other elements to the post-1987 period. The Reeves Commission aimed for a radical restructuring of the values and institutions of the state. Although the people may have been ready for fundamental change, politicians clearly were not. Experience shows that if politicians, who have a special purchase on state institutions, are not committed to a constitution, its prospects remain dim.
"In trying to please many groups, the thrust of the constitution was blunted. One critical factor, for example, was the reversal of the Reeves Commission’s proportion between racial and non-racial seats, with the result that ethnic politics remained dominant.
"Constitutions that aim for a fundamental change need much more caring and nourishing than this one got. Had its principal proponents, Rabuka and Reddy, won the elections, more concerted efforts might have been made to observe its spirit and implement its provisions. Certainly, little was done to prepare the public, in terms of information and persuasion, for the new constitution and the radical changes it was intended to promote.
"The new constitution remained hostage to contingencies it could not control: the election of a prime minister who had little respect for the aspirations and conciliatory procedures embodied in the new constitution, an unsuccessful businessman cut off from the largess of the state with the change of government who capitalized on ethnic fears, and the easing of external pressures on constitutionalism all contributed negatively to the fortunes of the constitution.
"However, the constitution survives and there remains considerable support for it among sections of the people. The vision of Fiji on which the constitution rests still has its admirers. It is too early to write it off."
Yash Ghai is now prepared to write off the 1997 Constitution at the bidding of his former student Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum and the puppet dictator Frank Bainimarama. The question that needs to be asked is this: How much of Fiji taxpayer’s money is Ghai being paid to rip apart the 1997 Constitution?
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FIJI’S ROAD MAP TO POLITICAL FREEDOM ELECTION 2014
This piece was hand delivered to us to our office after senior military Colonels had a meeting. Present at this meeting are Commander Landforce, Captain Natuva, Colonel Saumatua, Colonel Aziz, to name a few. The meeting mapped out an exit strategy for military personnel’s involved in the 2006 coup and how the current illegal PM can be out maneuvered
Brains behind this is current police commissioner who was wise to be away in Lau group this weekend only talking via phone to his mates.
Please note:
Some of the strategy was presented to Pm but others were dicussed within this group alone - now we expose this.
all bunch of power hungery bastards !!
· The election is not to be delayed any longer and government is to activate a free, fair composition of a “People Constitution Forum” using the various government departments as the driving vehicle to establish the roll out.
· Each government department to be headed by the PS with a term of reference designed to address all constitution issues discussed by the committee of the “Peoples Charter”
· Committee members to be senior civil servants and the committee should be empowered to co-op outsiders to be members with concurrence of PM’s office.
· The constitution term of reference is to be simple, easy to understand and can be read and discussed by ordinary citizens with all ages and in all languages.
· With 20 ministries 20 constitution task force teams.
· This team to be monitored and controlled by the PM office not AG. Because AG is immature in his political outlook and his background knowledge in politics has never been tested and if involved he will use wrong models and can destroy Bainimarama without knowing what hits him from the back.
· The constitution consultation fact finding mission and compilation is to be 6-8months.
· The people and community leaders are to be given the freedom to write in proposals based on their different organizations political, economic, social, unions, school, non-profit organization and churches.
Strategy 2 FORMING A POLITICAL PARTY
· The illegal PM to publicly announce this month he will stand for election. Make a national televised hope, peace, tolerance, and understanding and freedom message in order to get the confidence, attention of the International community and the people of Fiji.
· The illegal PM must hand pick highly professional and political experts to be his election and campaign advisers.
· The illegal PM must form a political party using the current government set up and empower experienced political loyalist to be his henchman.
· Militarize all government departments with soldiers who are to be his campaign runners.
· Reshuffle all the current Roko Tui and place military soldiers they follow orders well then civil servants.
Strategy 3 POLITICAL PARTY DECREE
· A new clause in the constitution must state no old political party will be allowed to register.
· A new political order for registration is to be designed and formulated.
· Candidates standing must go through a criteria test and qualification skill exam as and when conditions are met and fully complied.
· Bainimarama is to propose a name for his political party so the people can accustom themselves to the theme name.
· It is suggested he forma and owns the name “One Fiji Party” theme one Fiji for all. The theme is to be used such as One Fiji this calls for unity in all his addresses. One Fiji industry, one Fiji export, one Fiji sports, one Fiji health etc.
· Roll this theme all over the arms of government organize seminars and workshop on the theme.
Strategy 4 PASS A DECREE FOR THE GCC FORMATION AND MEETING
· Reorganize a new GCC format and hand pick chiefs who are his supporters and expose them on one day meeting to talk about new constitution.
· Break the chief stronghold and get trusted sub-chiefs to handle government projects based on people support which includes churches.
· Redraw GCC role on a mixture of modernization, revolutionization heritage and culture.
Strategy 5 RESTRUCTURE CABINET AND PS
· Cabinet is to be reshuffled now to put into motion a political campaign working team.
· Female PS are weak links to any political maneuvered because this current set is military motivated and to dress the road map to 2014 we need military soldiers who are order prone. They follow command.
· PM must start his political campaign roll out by pumping in political charged propaganda.
· New energized loyal colonels and commodores must be cabinet new faces.
· Some are popular strategists who are planners of the 2006 over publicized coup.
Strategy 6 ILLEGAL PM HAS NOTHING TO LOOSE
· PM will be receiving all the PM retirement benefit after he completes his term this year.
· His got his millions stuck in his overseas bank
· He hires and fires anyone he likes
· He changes laws whether we like it or not?
· He travels anywhere he likes, he is the most powerful man in Fiji.
· He is challenging every one saying no one can coup him. WHY? Money and Weapon and Military
· Can he be arrested? The answer is YES By WHOM: Brigadier Naivalurua.
· HOW? Current Public Order Act gives him bigger and better weapon to do so.
· He has extraordinary powers under his wings.
· CP is the only clean colonel during the 2000 coup and he stands a better international standing to get support for PM’S arrest.
Strategy 7 ILLEGAL PM TO BE PRESIDENT OR NOT
· PM must go up the ladder to be Commander in Chief and President.
· Appoint his loyal senior officer who he honorably trusts to hold the DPM position and to take charge of National Security, Fiji Constitution, and National Election.
Cowardice or complicity – or just serial treachery
Bainimarama’s role prior to 19 May 2000 is not covered at all by the Board of Inquiry report. There are unconfirmed reports that Bainimarama and Isikia Savua were involved in plans that would have Savua take control and be declared Interim PM, but these are not addessed in the BOI report.
What the evidence included in the BOI report does confirm is that when Bainimarama returned from Norway he did not take steps to end the role of CRW personnel occupying Parliament. They were being fed and supplied by the RFMF. The course he was following was dishonest from the start. Soldier after soldier confirmed that they were still paid for their time holding hostages, even up the the time of the arrest of the Speight supporters at Kalabu school on 19 July.
The evidence of Staff Sergeant Maikeli Kaumaitotoya (translated from Fijian) is clear and direct: “He (the Commander) told us that if there were any people new to the unit who supported what was happening outside then they could request leave for the time so that the army would be able to move forward and not have anyone in the rear who could hamper what the army wanted to do. He told us that what we had done ‘outside’ would be disregarded and when the coup was over we would be able to return to the military”. (Question 5 of his interrogation on page 353 of the report on Truth for Fiji site).
Staff Sergeant Kaumaitotoya subsequently spent four years in prison for his role, which according to media statements made on his release, was quite limited. Bainimarama’s words to him were worthless as legal protection. Bainimarama was offering legal protections that he had no right to make.
Given that Bainimarama had been quoted by Staff Sergeant Kaumaitotoya, why was he not called to refute this evidence? This is one of many question that Bainimarama should be asked to answer.
If the pay of the CRW involved in the coup attempt had been cut in the second week of the crisis it might have ended very promptly. What better way to show that the coup was illegal? Bainimarama waited until coup supporters went on a rampage through Suva, including the trashing of Fiji TV before deciding to move.
There are three clear lessons from the evidence contained in the report:
Bainimarama’s complicity cannot be assumed from the evidence on the BOI report. As a military officer, faced with military decisions, Bainimarama was indecisive and wanting in courage.
Bainimarama talks about politicians but he has politicised the RFMF – combining false promises with pay-offs to supporters and undermining of anyone he perceives to be unwilling to do whatever he wants, regardless of legality.
Newcrest Mining Limited has plans to extract millions of tonnes of ore each year.
The ABC's Philippa McDonald is the first Australian journalist to visit the proposed mining site and she filed this report from Fiji.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: Newcrest Mining has a 70 per cent stake in what's known as the Namosi joint venture.
It's exploring a vast area of remote mountains and valleys north-west of Suva which is thought to contain the largest undeveloped reserves of copper and gold in the world.
It's so significant Fiji's military dictator Frank Bainimarama has become personally involved in what would be the biggest infrastructure project Fiji has ever seen.
Colonel Pio Tikoduadua is the interim prime minister's permanent secretary.
PIO TIKODUADUA: Just the initial infrastructure to put in before any work eventually gets started would be around a billion Fijian dollars. That's the amount of confidence over the investment
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: But the Namosi landowners' message is clear.
Petero Leveni is the landowner's spokesman.
PETERO LEVENI: It damages our environment, it damages our rivers, it damages our fish. We don't want to be relocated. We don't want to damage this beautiful place of ours.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: In its information brochure to locals the Newcrest-led venture says it proposes to mine 16 million tonnes of ore each year and process 300,000 tonnes of copper concentrate for export markets on site.
It talks of the scale of the proposed mine area in terms of rugby fields. Two open pits - totalling 280 rugby fields in size - and two waste rock storage areas the size of 450 rugby fields; a tailings dam likely to cover an area the equivalent to a thousand rugby fields.
Petero Leveni says villagers are particularly concerned about the fate of their water supply.
PETERO LEVENI: If we have the river they are poison rivers. I want Newcrest to leave us alone and look somewhere else.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: Professor Mark Patrick Taylor is a specialist in sustainable mining at Sydney's Macquarie University and he says villagers are right to be concerned given what's happened with some similar mining projects in Papua New Guinea.
MARK PATRICK TAYLOR: There's been significant amounts of waste materials been flushed down through the system and that's had significant downstream impact both on the river and also on the flood plain and the communities adjacent to those.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: Newcrest declined the ABC's request for an interview but in a statement to the ABC said the project would generate 2,000 jobs during construction and a thousand once the mine is operational and that an environmental impact assessment due to be completed very soon would determine how the mine could be developed safely, economically and in an environmentally sustainable way.
This is Philippa McDonald reporting from Waivaka for AM.
Transcript
EMMA ALBERICI, PRESENTER: For Australians, Fiji is an incredibly popular holiday destination, but what tourists don't see is the signs of repression after five years of a military dictatorship.The interim prime minister, Commodore Frank Bainimarama, says he's fast-tracking consultations for a new constitution.
He's lifted emergency rule, but critics of the regime says there's still an air of intimidation.
The ABC's Philippa McDonald has been on the ground in Fiji for Lateline.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD, REPORTER: For holiday-makers, it's paradise in the Pacific. Resort accommodation for every budget, and kids and honeymooners alike are welcome.
(to Dan Urai) What's your message to the hundreds of thousands of Australians who come here on holiday and consider Fiji a paradise?
DAN URAI, FIJI TRADE UNION CONGRESS PRESIDENT: Fiji is a beautiful place to visit. But we, the people in Fiji, have a problem that exists that needs to be resolved.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: On the surface, Fiji doesn't look any different to how it did before the military coup in 2006. And while almost 40 per cent of the people continue to live below the poverty line, some of the poor have benefitted from Frank Bainimarama's reforms. Dan Urai, the head of Fiji's peak union body, says for those who speak out against the regime, punishment is swift.
DAN URAI: I landed into Nadi airport on Saturday morning. There was a police officer waiting for me, telling me that they wanted to see me at the police station at the airport. So I went in, and I asked, "What was they want me for" The only reply I got was, "Orders came from the top. Our job is to come and arrest you."
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: How many days were you held by the police, and at what stage were you given any legal representation or charged?
DAN URAI: 10 days, no legal representation.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: The 52-year-old is a former Fijian Labour Party MP, and critic of some of the interim government's many decrees.
DAN URAI: With the decrees that were introduced, they are trying to basically kill the union movement in Fiji. For a decree that they put down some union organised ... union basically been removed from its roles of looking after the interests of workers, particularly with Air Pacific, and other statutory bodies that we have in this country.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: The interim government says businesses critical to Fiji's economy need to be protected. It's accused the country's union movement of being "fat cats".
AIYAZ SAYED-KHAIYUM, FIJI'S INTERIM ATTORNEY GENERAL: If you look at the history of trade unionism in this country, most of these people are going out talking about trade unionism, they in fact sit in very comfortable positions.
Most of the trade unions have only been strong in state-owned enterprises, they've been very strong in government-owned enterprises or in fact the civil service, but where a lot of the exploitation takes place - for example, it was highlighted to me is back in if retail sector, in previously in some of the mining operations, in other areas where you have low paid workers - there is an absence, there's a deafening absence of trade unionism.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: Dan Urai's bail conditions include reporting to Lautoka police station every night.
(to Dan Urai) What kind of jail term could you face?
DAN URAI: Life imprisonment, because the charge comes under the committing of treason.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: When Commodore Bainimarama lifted Fiji's public emergency regulations in January, it came with a warning.
FRANK BAINIMARAMA, FIJI'S INTERIM PRIME MINISTER: We must all remember that public order, protecting the vulnerable and safeguarding the economy will always be paramount.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: At the same time, a public order amendment decree was introduced, meaning people could be held for up to 16 days without charge.
AIYAZ SAYED-KHAIYUM: After that they have to appear in the court. Now, Fiji's not alone in this respect. There are many countries that do that. In fact, in USA, you know, there's an indefinite period; should the attorney general, the president of the USA decide to hold a person there's no prescribed limitation to that. Many other countries do that.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: And even the churches have to apply for permits to hold meetings other than services.
AIYAZ SAYED-KHAIYUM: Horses for courses. You have to realise the situation in Fiji, and if you see the actual focus of the amendment decree, it's to do with things like ethnic, religious and racial vilification which Fiji has been plagued with.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: Pro-democracy activists like Virisila Buadromo, from the women's right movement, are calling for the decrees to be revoked.
VIRISILA BUADROMO: We need to tell the state that you've said we're going to have elections in 2014. We want to see that process happen as well. However, we would like to see that process to be a legitimate process, and for us, that means a process that is supported by the people, that's driven by the people, and for that process to be genuine, there needs to be the lifting of or the repealing of certain laws which are limiting people's ability to be able to express themselves openly and without fear.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: At the same time Fiji's emergency rule was being lifted, former MP Mere Samisoni was arrested and held in a cell for five days.
MERE SAMISONI, FORMER MP: I didn't expect it. I was coming off the plane and I was approached by the police and the lady superintendent, the lady inspector [inaudible], she just said very quietly, "We are arresting you and you will have to come with us." It came as a shock, but I contained myself.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: Why was she held for five days? What kind of a message does it send when a 73-year-old woman, a former MP, is held without charge?
AIYAZ SAYED-KHAIYUM: I understand in Australia you've have people of 75 years been charged with paedophile. Age is not of significance if a person has allegedly committed an offence. Let's not get emotional about this.
The point is that if a person has committed, or alleged to have committed, an offence under the particular law they will be charged with it according to that law.
PHILIPPA MCDONALD: The 73-year-old businesswoman is charged with inciting political violence. There are 20 Fijians currently charged with treason-related offences, and if they are convicted they face hefty prison terms.
Critics of the interim government say some of those cases have been brought to make it impossible for people with strong or opposing views to run for parliament in 2014.
In the meantime, Frank Bainimarama and his senior colleagues haven't ruled out standing in the elections. Paradise is a long way from being politically regained.
For months before he appointed himself President and put Fiji's elected leaders under house arrest, military commander Frank Bainimarama had been threatening to stage a coup unless Laisenia Qarase's government abandoned plans to pardon those behind the abortive coup and mutiny of 2000. But some in Fiji say Bainimarama, who during the mutiny narrowly escaped assassination by rebel troops, has another motive: ending a police probe into the killings of four soldiers from the mutinous special-forces unit.
"It's cold-blooded murder," says Ana Kalounivale, "and that's what Bainimarama is running away from." The 37-year-old widow says Bainimarama must bear some responsibility for the bashing deaths of her husband and three other special-forces soldiers. If he did not order or know about the killings at the time, she believes, then he failed to properly investigate them afterward. "Now we don't know if we will ever have justice," says the mother of four.
The commander has repeatedly denied any responsibility for the deaths of Selesitano Kalounivale, Jone Davui, Epineri Bainimoli and Lagani Rokowaqa. "I never gave any orders to kill," he said in 2003.
The mutilated body of one of the murdered CRW soldiers
However, in the weeks before the coup Bainimarama was under increasing pressure over the murders. Police probes and court actions by victims' families and surviving soldiers could have seen him suspended, forced to give evidence about the killings, and potentially facing charges and a six-figure compensation claim against the Fiji Military Force.
During the mutiny by members of the elite Counter-Revolutionary Warfare unit, three loyalist soldiers were shot and—in an experience which some officers say has haunted him ever since—Bainimarama was hunted by armed rebels through a jungle-choked valley behind Suva's Queen Elizabeth Barracks. After the barracks were retaken, loyalists rounded up CRW soldiers regardless of whether they had taken part in the mutiny. Selesitino and the other soldiers allegedly fell victim to a violent paroxysm of revenge.
Among Bainimarama's increasingly peremptory demands to the Qarase government were the shutting down of the police investigation into the murders and the removal of Fiji's Police Commissioner, Andrew Hughes. The day after the coup, Dec. 7, Bainimarama sacked Hughes, who had already left the country after death threats to his family, and appointed Army intelligence chief Jim Koroi as acting Police Commissioner. Next day his soldiers took in for questioning six former CRW soldiers, alleging that they could foment civil unrest.
In the past year, Bainimarama and the military had been fighting four separate legal actions. Three were lodged by former CRW soldiers who survived beatings in 2000. The fourth was a compensation claim by Ana Kalounivale, who successfully sued the Commander and the government for worker's compensation over her husband's death but has yet to receive any money.
In a hearing last April, the court was told that after he was first picked up, Selesitino had a 30-minute meeting with Bainimarama and was then taken to the local police station on the Commander's orders. He was later taken from the station by four or five soldiers. Acquaintances of his told the court they were working in a building next door to the police station when soldiers arrived with Selesitino. They said they heard him crying out for help as he was driven away in a military vehicle. According to the judgment of Magistrate Ajmal Gulab Khan, "He was on the floor of the van and bystanders could hear swearing, hitting with rifle butts and kicking at the back of the tray." Around midnight, his hideously injured body was delivered to the morgue.
Magistrate Khan found that "the assaulting soldiers may have exceeded in the scope of their duty by assaulting the deceased, but they acted as soldiers of FMF and were responsible for their actions in the general scope of their duties." He awarded Ana Kalounivale $24,000, but she says the military is appealing the judgment.
The FMF has never explained where the soldiers took Selesitino or why he was singled out. But documents lodged in support of civil lawsuits by the three CRW soldiers who survived beatings give a chilling insight into what might have happened. The soldiers "seized me at gunpoint and handcuffed my hands behind my back," said Sergeant Viliame Lotawa of the night he was taken from the police station. "I was punched, kicked and beaten with blunt objects such as rifle butts and iron rods. I was beaten all the way to [Queen Elizabeth Barracks]." Lotawa says his attackers included a former Fijian rugby international, Sergeant Jack Komaitai. Komaitai told Time last week there was no truth to the allegation.
Jack Komaitai, 4th from left. One of the accussed in the murder and torture of CRW soldiers.
Another survivor, Metuisela Railumu, told the court he was taken by soldiers to a shooting range and "beaten with wood and iron rods all over my body." The case of the third survivor, Barbados Mills, is due to go to trial early in 2007.
All three suits include Bainimarama as a defendant, charging that as military commander he was responsible for the actions of his troops. Police have interviewed 12 soldiers about the bashings, but the military has reportedly insisted that a senior officer attend all interviews; in at least one case, the officer prematurely terminated the interview. When Time put Lotawa's allegations to Bainimarama's spokesman, Major Neumi Leweni, he said, "Who told you that?" He has since refused to speak to the magazine.
Police have told Time the military conducted its own investigation, under the supervision of then officer Jack Koroi, Bainimarama's hand-picked new acting Police Commissioner. None of the alleged perpetrators named by Lotawa and his fellow survivors has faced any military trial or disciplinary hearing. Police are unhappy about Koroi's appointment. Says one officer, who asked to remain anonymous: "Koroi knows what to look for in the files. He's a former Criminal Investigations Department officer and he was the point of contact up at the barracks for people wanting to interview soldiers in the past." Contacted by Time last week, Koroi said of the police investigation, "[The suspects in the bashings] have all been questioned but they have decided to stay mute. There is a lot of difficulties with this. I have to see the file before I comment." Since leaving Fiji, sacked Police Commissioner Hughes, an Australian, has said one reason for the coup was self-preservation on Bainimarama's part. "He's been resistant to the investigation into the murder of the Counter-Revolutionary Warfare soldiers in 2000," Hughes told ABC News. "We believe he has some questions to answer in that regard himself." Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer shares Hughes' view. "I think, in particular, Commodore Bainimarama is deeply concerned about investigations by the police into the Fiji military itself," he told ABC Radio.
A senior Fiji police officer tells Time he and his colleagues have new evidence suggesting some of the "top [military] brass ordered the actions." Now, he says, they are bracing for the day when soldiers march in and remove their files. But "We've got copies," he says. "We won't give up." Ana Kalounivale may get justice yet.
Source: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1568506,00.html#ixzz1o5XkuLXC
His actual narrative is littered with lies, paranoia, betrayals and self aggrandizement, a man escaping from the law, not doing his sworn duty to uphold it.
In Frank Bainimarama’s hands, Fiji is on the fast road to rack and ruin.
Executive Summary
The dictator of Fiji is a born liar, and in lying he exceeds in volume and ability any normal person. He has now hired (at very considerable cost to the hapless Fiji taxpayer) a discredited spin doctor, to cover up and embellish his lies.
Frank Bainimarama has told many lies:
- He lied about the date on which he would hold an election
- He lied about lifting restrictions which he has burdened the people of Fiji with for many years
- He is now lying about holding democratic elections in 2014 when he cannot hold such elections without being arrested and charged.
Yet all these lies pall into insignificance compared to the biggest lie which he has spun and continues to spin, and which has been the basis for whatever reluctant international acceptance or forbearance has taken place in regard to his regime.
The lie in question is that the coup in Fiji in 2000 was planned by persons other than Bainimarama; that he had no prior knowledge of the coup; that he saved Fiji from the coup; and for that his life was threatened by a mutiny, which he suppressed in order to stabilize Fiji. And that he had removed the Qarase Government, via the 2006 Coup, to rid Fiji of corruption.
These lies can now be laid to rest as they are exposed in statements from senior officers and a military Board of Enquiry Report (BOI commissioned by Bainimarama himself, in graphic detail. The BOI report and these other documents and statements reveal Bainimarama’s lies and guilt.
As you will see, Bainimarama sought to suppress the BOI report, and anything and anyone who can disclose the truth about what he has done. These persons have either been murdered by him or incarcerated incommunicado in jails where they have now languished for ten years, or otherwise silenced.
The 2000 Coup
Bainimarama was unexpectedly appointed Commander RFMF in February 1999, over the heads of more qualified and senior officers.
The coup deposed the Labour Government of Mahendra Chaudhry on 19 May 2000 with the world being led to believe that it was being carried out by George Speight and his followers.
Extensive rioting and damage occurred. For 56 days Speight held hostages at the Parliament Buildings that included the Prime Minister. Subsequently Speight was deceived into surrendering himself and Bainimarama took full credit for ending the coup and freeing the hostages.
On May 29th Bainimarama carried out a second coup and announced to the nation that he was assuming executive authority from the President and declaring martial law. Then after the conclusion of the George Speight coup he reluctantly ceded civil authority to Laisenia Qarase.
Bainimarama has always represented himself to be the hero of 2000, the person who at that time saved Fiji. The truth is, however, just the opposite.
Bainimarama's Pre Knowledge of the Coup
In the months leading up to the coup Bainimarama received regular military briefings of an impending coup. He was fully aware of the threat to Government. He had also built up intelligence on the impending coup through a military intelligence unit. In addition, soldiers from a specialist unit called the Counter Revolutionary Warfare Unit (CRW), which had been created by Government, and members of the Third Fiji Infantry Battalion (3FIR), were gathering information on the coup and informing Bainimarama.
The sad fate of the CRW soldiers, who were either murdered by or incarcerated or otherwise silenced by Bainimarama, is also outlined in this document.
Despite all the information that Bainimarama had received regarding an impending coup, Bainimarama arranged to attend a conference in Norway in May 2000. This was a United Nations conference on Peacekeeping (the irony of the subject matter of this conference will rapidly become apparent).
Before he was due to leave for the conference, Bainimarama was informed by the Commanding Officer 3FIR, Lt Colonel Viliame Seruvakula, that the coup would be held on 19th May 2000. This warning was given one week before the coup. Bainimarama's response to this warning clearly shows his guilt in the matter of the coup. He said: "OK set you know what to do I have to attend this meeting it is very important for the RFMF."
Bainimarama clearly planned to be out of the country when the coup occurred so that he could avoid blame for it.
Bainimarama's Guilt
Clearly, Bainimarama knew all about the impending coup but took no step to stop it. He was prepared to stand aside and let it happen. This failing was especially serious because as Commander he had the power to stop it. He was therefore a crucial participant in the coup. His guilt was as great, and in fact greater than that of any of those who carried out the destruction and violence that accompanied the coup.
Despite the Commander in Chief and President Ratu Sir KKT Mara questioning the wisdom of Bainimarama leaving the country at an unsettled time, Bainimarama insisted that it was alright for him to go. The President yielded to Bainimarama’s view.
Bainimarama departed for Norway on May 12th with full knowledge that the coup would occur on May 19th 2000.
Events of 18th May 2000
The events of 18th May, the day before the coup, were described to the RFMF Board of Enquiry by Lt.Colonel Seruvakula. They were as follows.
Sergeant Filimoni Tikotani requested the CRW troop leader Lieutenant Charles Dakuliga to meet him at the Laucala Bay hangar in Suva to receive orders from the Officer Commanding CRW Units, Lieutenant Penaia Baleinamau. At that meeting Tikotani told Dakuliga that Bainimarama had issued orders through Lt Baleinamau, Major Ilisoni Ligairi and Lt.Colonel Philipo Tarakinikini that they were to take over Parliament the next day. Those Counter Revolutionary soldiers who queried the order were told that Bainimarama knew about the plan but had to be overseas.
Lt.Colonel Seruvakula stated that he and Lt Baleinamau were in direct daily contact with Bainimarama throughout his absence from Fiji. He also stated that Bainimarama told him not to tell other officers that they were talking to each other.
Events of 19th May 2000
The coup occurred on 19th May as planned when CRW personnel entered Parliament and took Government members hostage. Live weapons were held and used by those CRW personnel at that time. Bainimarama was the only person who could have authorized the CRW personnel to act as they did and to employ live weapons.
Bainimarama had recalled Major Liqairi to head the takeover of Parliament.
At the takeover shots were fired. But the CRW soldiers had been tricked into thinking that it was only a training exercise. Once they had realized that it was a trick they still continued, on the understanding that they were following orders from Bainimarama.
Occupation of Parliament: Bainimarama's attempts to take Leadership of the coup
The CRW in Parliament were supplied directly by the Army with food, fuel and weapons. This would have been impossible without Bainimarama's support. In fact Bainimarama gave direct orders for such support. He stated: "RFMF supports the cause." He also repeatedly expressed support for Speight.
After the coup and during the 56 days in which hostages were held at Parliament, Bainimarama made repeated efforts to take over leadership of the coup. There came a time when he realized that he could not succeed in this aim.
Bainimarama had hoped that with Major Liqairi and the CRW soldiers holding hostages in Parliament the rest of the Army would follow in support. However, the Army stood firm and the President condemned the takeover and declared a state of emergency. The coup did not receive sufficient support.
Bainimarama therefore had to adjust his strategy and to appear to oppose Speight. He cunningly gave the impression that he was loyally besieging Speight at the Parliament buildings in order to free the hostages and to save the nation.
Bainimarama then tricked Speight into signing the Muanikau Accord, which ended the coup and provided for the return of CRW soldiers to barracks. Speight was convicted of treason and incarcerated. He is still held incommunicado to this day so that he cannot expose Bainimarama's role in the coup.
RFMF Board of Enquiry
The events of the coup were carefully examined by the Board of Enquiry. Bainimarama was given the opportunity to give evidence to the Inquiry but he refused to do so. The conclusions of the Board were so unfavorable to him that he ordered all copies of the BOI report destroyed except one to be held by his favorite and sycophant Major Aziz Mohammed. But, another copy has survived which tells the raw truth.
Major Aziz, the person who carried out, at Bainimarama's behest, the removal of the Chief Justice was later appointed as Acting Commander.
Bainimarama also deliberately withheld the report from the Police who had requested it to assist them with their investigations.
Bainimarama transfers blame to CRW
The CRW were now being blamed for the coup as Bainimarama intended. Many were now being beaten, charged with treason and sent to jail. Bainimarama was hunting them down and torturing them. This was part of his plan to transfer the blame.
Accordingly the CRW staged a mutiny on 2nd November 2000, which Bainimarama ruthlessly reacted to, but only after it had been suppressed by gallant officers and soldiers. Bainimarama abandoned his men at the start of the mutiny to save himself by running away down through the casava patch.
Five CRW were beaten to death on his orders after the mutiny. Others languish in prison until this day. All those CRW who could tell the truth as to Bainimarama's involvement in the coup have been silenced.
Post 2000 Coup
A new Commander was being appointed by Government to replace Bainimarama so in December 2003 Bainimarama sought to rally Army support to remove Government. However he failed at that time to gather enough support. But he did blackmail Government, with threats of force, to renew his contract.
By November 2006 the Government had decided that enough was enough and Bainimarama was facing the following charges:
- Disobedience to a lawful order by the Minister of Home Affairs, the Prime Minister's office and the office of the president
- Sedition in threatening to remove the Minister of Home Affairs and the Prime Minister
- Treason in plotting to overthrow the Government
- Unlawful aborting of a Commission of Inquiry (not the Board of Inquiry)
- Illegal removal of the President in 2000
- Murder of CRW soldiers in 2000
- Abuse of office.
Conclusions
Bainimarama's biggest lie has been and continues to be that he saved Fiji in 2000.
Bainimarama continues that lie even in his 6th January 2012 speech seeking to justify substituting new drastic measures for those previously in the Public Emergency Regulations. In that speech, written by his expensive and discredited cover up agency, he mourns the devastation of the 2000 coup and says that such must not recur. This he seeks to use as a justification for his new despotic measures.
Bainimarama's regret, however, represents crocodile tears. He more than anyone is responsible for the fires of 2000. Bainimarama knew of and supported the events which led to those fires and all the other pain and sufferings of 2000.
The lesson of 2000 is that to avoid a recurrence of 2000 and to end the fast deteriorating human rights situation in Fiji it is necessary that the current regime be replaced immediately by a fully democratic government and that the Army immediately return fully and permanently to barracks.
Bainimarama must go, in the name of humanity. The exposing of his biggest lie leaves no alternative.
Introduction
This article reveals the truth about Frank Bainimarama and his lies and treasonous activities against the democratically elected Government of Fiji, its people and the Royal Fiji Military Forces (RFMF). Bainimarama did not save Fiji. He is the problem.
In February 1999, Bainimarama was promoted to Commander RFMF above other more highly qualified and experienced senior officers. Then in 2000 he chose to play a game that he didn’t have the capability or the brains for. To save himself, Frank Bainimarama did the well known Fijian “liumuri” (betrayal) and then cunningly portrayed himself as the savior of Fiji. Indo-Fijians call this treasonous act “aage-peeche”.
Government was appointing a new Commander RFMF so Bainimarama ordered his officers to plan for the removal of Government. The officers refused so he had them removed. Under duress the Government renewed Bainimarama’s contract. There will be no escape from these crimes and Bainimarama knows it. So he is now doing everything and anything he possibly can, including brinkmanship, to stay in power to avoid being arrested and prosecuted.
The police were to arrest Bainimarama in November 2006 while he was in New Zealand. It was aborted and Bainimarama was made aware of it. He returned to Fiji, and on 6 December 2006 removed the lawfully and democratically elected Qarase SDL Government. The then Commissioner of Police was also removed.
Bainimarama told the world that he staged the coup, amongst other things, to rid Fiji of corruption. But the world now realizes that it was all a ploy and that Bainimarama is now even more corrupt than the Qarase Government he removed. He is also threatening and beating loyal Fiji soldiers, police officers, Church leaders, Fijian Chiefs, civil servants, citizens and defenseless unarmed women who disagree with his brutal and corrupt dictatorship. He is also telling many lies, including:
- Lying about the date on which he would hold an election
- Lying about lifting restrictions which he has burdened the people of Fiji with for many years
- Lying about holding democratic elections in 2014 when he cannot hold such elections without being arrested and charged.
This article is far from perfect, but at least it will give the people of Fiji and the world a much clearer understanding of the true motives behind Frank Bainimarama’s actions, specifically how he is manipulating the Fiji military forces and lying to Fiji and to the world to save himself from prosecution and achieve his desire of becoming leader of Fiji.
What was done
This article covers three key periods of time:
- The 2000 Coup and Bainimarama’s involvement
- The Post 2000 lead up to 2006
- The 2006 Coup.
Information was gleaned from copies of documents (attached) that were made available to us from people inside and outside of the RFMF and Police force, civil servants and civilians. The key information includes:
- RFMF Board of Inquiry Report ― The Board of Inquiry led by Lt. Colonel Jackson Evans (from 21August 2000 to 24 October 2000) looked into the involvement of the First Meridian Squadron (CRW) in the illegal takeover of Parliament on 19 May 2000 and the subsequent holding of hostages until 13 July 2000. Frank Bainimarama refused to be interviewed and he ordered the findings destroyed with only one copy to remain with Brigadier Aziz. Please note, Brig.Aziz was a major at the time and later, like Bainimarama, was promoted over other senior and more qualified military officers.
- Letter from Ratu Silatolu to Bainimarama
- Article from Lt.Col Tarakinikini
- Col Alfred Tuatoko's statement which clearly outlines Bainimarama's orders on 16 December 2003 for the Senior RFMF officers to plan for the removal of the Government
- Col G Kadavulevu’s (05 January 2004) formal advise to Bainimarama against removing the SDL Government
- CEO Ministry of Home Affairs’ statement on Bainimarama's conduct
- Lt Col SV Raduva advise (19 January 2004) to the CEO, Ministry of Home Affairs about Bainimarama's threat to remove the SDL Government
- Father Akauola's 2003 assessment of Commodore Bainimarama's performance as Commander RFMF ― It was requested by a senior Bainimarama military aid and done in consultation with RFMF soldiers and officers
- Father Akauola's 2010 interviews with Ratu Tevita Mara
- Col JB Baledrokadroka’s interview with Lt.Col Seruvakula
- Court martial records
- Newspaper articles
- TV interviews.
Bainimarama’s Miraculous Promotion to Commander RFMF
Navy Captain Frank Bainimarama was recommended for the position of Commander RFMF by his predecessor Brigadier Ratu Epeli Ganilau.
Bainimarama’s name was forwarded to the Minister of Home Affairs Paul Manueli and the Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka before the Commander-in-Chief and President Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara’s endorsement. Announcing Capt. Bainimarama's appointment, Home Affairs Minister Paul Manueli said he was confident of his [Bainimarama] capabilities. However, Senior RFMF officers state that there was a clear lack of leadership and direction from Commander Frank Bainimarama, so they had to step-in and deal with the crisis of 2000 and restore law and order to Fiji.
A very Senior officer also quoted that Bainimarama, from day one on the job, had no idea how to lead and wondered around aimlessly in his white uniform leaving senior officers to do all the work. We can clearly see this same “skill” being applied today in Bainimarama’s use of the lying, corrupt, including everything that is evil, illegal Fiji AG Khiayum.
Colonel Saubulinayau stated in his interview that a member of the Board of Inquiry knew that the majority of the boys in green [Fiji army] didn’t like Bainimarama and that Bainimarama managed to be appointed due to a fault in the system.
Fiji’s Daily Post newspaper of 26th February 1999 also claimed that tensions were high at Fiji Military Forces' headquarters, QEB, Nabua, when the Chief- of-Staff Navy Captain Bainimarama was named the new Army Commander.
Bainimarama, a relatively junior officer, had been appointed Commander RFMF over other more highly qualified and experienced senior Army officers.
Lt Colonel Filipo Tarakinikini, military spokesman during the 2000 coup, accused Bainimarama of bringing a style of leadership foreign to senior officers when he assumed command in February 1999. Tarakinikini said that Bainimarama’s leadership was personalized, egocentric and capricious, and he had a tendency to be unpredictable and inconsistent[1].
How Frank Bainimarama, a junior officer, ever got to be promoted to Commander RFMF over more senior and highly qualified and experienced officers is something that seriously needs to be looked at.
The 2000 Coup
The 19 May 2000 coup did not come as a surprise. In the months leading up to the coup Bainimarama received regular military briefings of an impending coup. The Fiji military had been aware of the threats to government, and had built up intelligence through the use of a military intelligence unit. In addition, soldiers from the CRW unit and the 3rd Fiji Battalion were doubling as intelligence operatives gathering information and advising Bainimarama.
Bainimarama also repeatedly told his officers after the 19 May 2000 takeover that a few months after the Fiji Labour Party (FLP) Coalition Government had won the May 1999 elections, the leading Nationalist Sakeasi Butadroka had requested a meeting with him to appeal for the Army to overthrow Chaudhry’s government in a fully fledged military coup.
Bainimarama had also chased away the officer who had briefed him of the impending coup saying the brief was “bullshit”. The same officer also advised Bainimarama of a possible coup within the RFMF, to which Bainimarama angrily responded that there will be no such thing!
The Commanding Officer 3rd Battalion, Lt.Colonel Viliame Seruvakula, tells Bainimarama, 24 hours before Bainimarama is to leave to attend a conference in Norway that a coup was going to take place in a week. Bainimarama simply says “…ok set you know what to do I have to attend this meeting it is very important for the RFMF”. In spite of being given military briefings of an impending coup Bainimarama does nothing to prevent it and he lies to his Commander in Chief that all is under control.
One would rationally think that stopping a coup would be more important than attending a conference! Not for Bainimarama, unless there was another “plan” already in play that Bainimarama knew about. Either this or Bainimarama was too dumb and gutless to do anything about it.
The Commander in Chief and the President, Ratu Sir KKT Mara, questioned why he (Bainimarama) was leaving the country in the midst of a potential crisis. The President said that, “He [Bainimarama] came to let me know that he is going to Norway for a conference. I said do you believe that this is the right time to go and he assured me and said there was some marches in the West a week ago and everything was all right and the reports I get was ok. I said alright, if you think it's alright, you can go”.[2]
We contend that Frank Bainimarama was well aware of the impending coup, before it happened and did nothing to protect the Government and instead he departs for Norway on 12th May 2000, which was all part of Bainimarama’s plan.
Bainimarama wanted to run the show
Ratu Timoci Silatolu, in his letter to Bainimarama, reminds Bainimarama that he (Bainimarama) had told him that he (Bainimarama) wanted to run the show and denounced Ratu Silatolu as having no credibility. At that time Bainimarama was already running the country after he had illegally removed the President in a second coup. On 29 May 2000, Bainimarama televised to the nation that he had assumed executive authority of the country and declare martial law”[3].
That night, the President and his family were evacuated for their safety to a naval vessel. Bainimarama went on board with several senior officers and presented a tabua (whale’s tooth) in a Fijian ceremony to the President requesting him to step aside. The President acquiesced in the Fijian language saying that since the very people who were to protect him had asked for him to step aside from office, he would never again return to the high office. Speight had captured parliament, and now Bainimarama captured the President’s executive powers. There was no need for the President to step aside. Bainimarama, as Commander RFMF, just needed to do his job. But we contend that he had ulterior motives.
For 37 days until 4th July 2000, Bainimarama retained executive authority and tasted absolute power for the first time[4]. When advised by his Military Council, Bainimarama refused to give up power. Later, he reluctantly handed over power to a civilian interim government headed by co-opted member Laisenia Qarase. But this was only after the chiefs and people of Naitasiri had threatened to takeover QEB barracks if the military interim government did not hand back rule to the GCC. The GCC would have then elected a President to form a civilian interim government.
George Speight’s group (GSG) didn’t want Bainimarama to run the show. Colonel Draunidalo stated that the GSG did offer Bainimarama the role of head of state and that Bainimarama had arrogantly told them that he (Bainimarama) would present yaqona to his officers and they would accept the offer. The officers did not accept it. [5] Bainimarama then orders all soldiers back to barracks.
We contend that during the 56 days of negotiating with George Speight and his group Bainimarama finally realized his predicament that he (Bainimarama) was not going to “run the show”. Ratu Silatolu writes that he knew that Bainimarama was not going to honor the accord with Speight because Speight had appeared at an opportunistic time and claimed all the credit for the removal of the Chaudhry Government.
Ratu Silatolu also states that Bainimarama then had to look at removing any evidence of his (Bainimarama) involvement in the 2000 coup. We also contend that to achieve this objective Bainimarama required scapegoats to take the blame for him.
Bainimarama’s lack of direction and leadership had already put the RFMF officers and soldiers in a state of total confusion, which made his manipulation of their actions integral in firstly, deflecting blame from himself (Bainimarama) and secondly, fixing it upon the unwitting CRW soldiers and RFMF officers. Subsequently, he had to both silence anyone and everyone with either a suspicion or actual knowledge of his true agenda from enabling that truth from being revealed. Senior officers who could piece the information together were removed and civilians are still being beaten by soldiers.
Bainimarama’s Scapegoats
The CRW soldiers were lured into the trap only hours before when they were told that they were attending a training exercise in protecting VIP’s in a hostage situation. Sadly, they realized too late that it was all a lie and that they were being used. But by this time the army and the world were of the opinion that the CRW were a key part of Speight’s group in overthrowing Government.
Lt.Colonel Seruvakula stated that a group of CRW soldiers were undergoing survival training on Makuluva Island on 18 May 2000 (See map on right of Suva City Peninsula, slipway and Makuluva Island)
At around 10:30pm their troop leader Lieutenant Charles Dakuliga received a call from Sergeant Filimoni Tikotani to meet him at the Laucala Bay hangar to receive orders from the Officer Commanding CRW, Lieutenant Penaia Baleinamau.
Lt.Colonel Seruvakula states that at the hangar Lt.Dakuliga meets Sgt.Tikotani, George Speight and his brother Jim Speight, Ravutuqica and a public works employee Simione Drole[1]. Tikotani then tells Dakuliga that the Commander RFMF (Bainimarama) had issued orders through their OC Lt.Baleinamau, Major Ilisoni Ligairi and Lt.Col Philipo Tarakinikini that they are to take over parliament the next day. This meant that the OC Lt.Baleinamau, Major Ligairi and Lt.Col Tarakinikini were all following their Commander Bainimarama’s orders.
Court martial records indicate that some of the CRW troopers on Makuluva did not agree with the orders but Dakuliga advised them that the “word” from their Officer Commanding was that the Commander Frank Bainimarama knows about it but had to be overseas.
Lt.Col Seruvakula stated that he and Lt.Baleinamau were in direct daily contact with Bainimarama, from when Bainimarama left for Norway and up until his return to Nadi. Lt.Col Seruvakula also stated that Bainimarama told him not to tell other officers that they were talking to each other.
We contend that Bainimarama was giving orders to Lt.Baleinamau (Officer Commanding CRW) in support of the coup and talking to Lt.Col Seruvakula (Commander 3rd Fiji Infantry Regiment) to check on the army’s reaction so that he (Bainimarama) could maneuver himself accordingly. In talking to Seruvakula Bainimarama bypassed the acting Commander, Colonel Alfred Tuatoko.
In addition, all the CRW operatives who normally report in on the last Friday of each month were all gathered and present at camp on Thursday 18th May, the day before the coup. The operatives were part of the first group who entered parliament on 19 May 2000.
As a specialist unit the CRW reports directly and only to the Commander RFMF who is the only person in the RFMF with the authority to deploy the CRW and their weapons.
Major Liqairi (pictured, on right) had only been back in uniform for three weeks when the coup occurred. He was 60 years old and retired but had been recalled for six months duty by Bainimarama. Liqairi was only an advisor and had no authority to order the CRW soldiers into any situation or to deploy any weapons.
In his statement Liqairi recalls that he told Bainimarama that he was too old to return to duty, but Bainimarama told him that he (Liqairi) wasn’t old. The Board of inquiry was unable to get a reason from Bainimarama as to why he had recalled Liqairi when there were other qualified and experienced serving officers available.
Bainimarama had refused to be interviewed.
But after only three weeks into the job Major Liqairi is in parliament overthrowing Government with George Speight, whom he had just met for the first time earlier on that same morning, 19 May 2000.
We contend that as an ex-British SAS and a highly disciplined soldier, Major Liqairi was following orders from his commander Bainimarama.
Bainimarama knew that the CRW soldiers respected Major Liqairi and with both Major Liqairi and the CRW soldiers in parliament he had hoped that the rest of the army would follow in support. But the army stood fast to resolve the crisis. In addition, the President also condemned the takeover and declared a ‘state of emergency’. These actions changed the game plan and resulted in other high profile coup supporters from joining George Speight in parliament. George Speight and his group were left on their own and therefore had to improvise.
Phone records show that Lieutenant Colonel Tarakinikini (following orders from his Commander Bainimarama) called Staff Sergeant Bainimoli at 03:15am on the morning of the coup. He then called Colonel Alfred Tuatoko the acting Commander RFMF and Land Force Commander at around 4am [2]. A little later Tarakinikini called Lt Baleinamau the acting officer commanding CRW. There is no record of what was discussed but at 07:45am Lt Dakuliga and his team from Makuluva meet up with their OC Lt Baleinamau and Major Liqairi at the Laucala Bay slipway. According to Major Liqairi it is also the first time that he meets George Speight.
Lt.Colonel Seruvakula stated that the CRW OC Lt Baleinamau then tells Lt Dakuliga and his team from Makuluva that Major Ligairi would support a mission into the parliament complex and that it was only an exercise. It was only after they had entered parliament and shots were fired inside the building when the CRW troopers realized that it was not an exercise.
More CRW arrived at parliament after being told by Lt Baleinamau to turn up for security duty (See picture on right of CRW on security duty). Other CRW arrived in support of their team mates and were not fully aware of what was happening. However, once in parliament, the CRW troopers found it difficult to walk away because of the strong bond they shared as a unit. This bond had a major impact on their decision to stay on in parliament and help each other out. But they were also of the understanding that they were following orders from their Commander Frank Bainimarama.
Other CRW soldiers who had just returned to Suva from training exercises in the west were told by their officers to stay away from parliament. And they did stay away.
Adi Kikau, a hansard reporter and a hostage, stated that the CRW soldier guarding them had told her that they (CRW) were only told a few hours earlier to change into civilian clothes and get into a van. The van brought them to parliament and that they were there for an exercise. The CRW soldier also told Adi Kikau not to worry and that it would all be over by 4pm that same afternoon. The hostage situation continued for 56 days.
In his letter, Ratu Silatolu alludes to a dispute on the displacement of the Prime Minister of the Day, Mahendra Chaudhry, which resulted in the hostage situation extending 56 days. Ratu Silatolu says that he “just wanted to resolve the matter as Frank Bainimarama’s proposal was alright”. We do not have access to the content of this proposal.
The CRW who went into parliament were being resupplied by QEB camp with food, fuel and weapons and they were still receiving their normal pay. This reinforced the CRW soldiers’ and the army’s view that the RFMF was supporting George Speight and his group. It was the presence of Major Ilisoni Ligairi and other CRW soldiers inside parliament which sent a signal that officers close to the senior command were in support of the coup.
Lt.Baleinamau stated that Col. Ioane Naivalurua had entered parliament and had told the CRW soldiers that what they were doing was wrong. However, Col.Naivalurua did not tell the CRW soldiers to stop what they were doing and to return to barracks.
Lt.Dakai stated that he waited a week at camp until the 26th of May but there was still no clear direction from RFMF on how they would deal with the situation in parliament. This non-action and the fact that the army were still re-supplying parliament with food, men and weapons convinced Lt.Dakai that the RFMF was behind the coup, so he went over to join the boys in parliament and to help them organize themselves and to provide support to them.
Colonel S Draunidalo stated that he was part of a think-tank made up of Colonels and at their first meeting Bainimarama told them that “RFMF supports the cause”. This meant that they (the Colonels) had to develop strategies to support their Commander Bainimarama’s directive, which is to support the Indigenous Fijian cause led by George Speight and his group.
This principle also applied to other officers who had received instructions from their Commander Bainimarama. They then had to carry out their Commander’s directive and that is what they did.
Bainimarama also instructed his officers to continue to resupply and support the CRW soldiers in parliament as they were directly responsible for the safety of the hostages. Bainimarama also tells them that an inquiry would be held after the crisis and charges laid. Therefore, QEB continued to resupply and support CRW in parliament.
Lt.Colonel Seruvakula stated that on Sunday, 21 May 2000, he attended a briefing in QEB where he was told that “the CRW were doing what they were tasked to do…to provide security of the hostages”….and “we (RFMF) should support them, and let them (CRW) do their job and not to interfere.”
Lt.Col Seruvakula also states that he was told, ”Bill you must not look at this as a western type hostage situation, this is about us the Fijians, what you saw on Friday (19) when people looted the city was the sign that our people are hungry and do not have the necessities of life, the only way to kick start that is start all over again….SLK (Sitiveni Rabuka) tried but he gave in to pressure and went back to the Indians to join hands leaving our people back to square one…”.
Lt.Baleinamau states that Frank Bainimarama advised him and the CRW soldiers at QEB camp that if they wanted to go and join the CRW soldiers already in parliament, because he knew of their strong bond as a unit, then they just needed to sign their leave application forms before going down to parliament. The CRW boys signed their leave forms, which further reinforced their understanding that they were following their Commander’s orders. However, the leave application forms are never approved by the army. This was a trick by Bainimarama to get the CRW soldiers to join the soldiers already at parliament.
George Speight, Rakuita Vakalalabure and other members of their group went from Parliament to QEB and met with Bainimarama in his office. After this meeting, all military officers were called up to the officer’s mess where Bainimarama briefed them on the meeting he had just had with George and his group. Bainimarma told the officers that he (Bainimarama) agreed with Speight and that the Army should support their course of action.
Bainimarama was interrupted by Colonel Waqanisau who advised Bainimarama that the Army can’t agree with George Speight and his group. Colonel Waqanisau added that they [George and his group] had illegally removed an elected Government and are a group of terrorists. He also told Bainimarama that “with all due respect Sir, honour the institution, this uniform which others before us had died for. We simply cannot follow what the terrorist Speight and his group wants”.
All the officers present started clapping and cheering in agreement with Col Waqanisau. On seeing this reaction Bainimarama changed his stance and agreed with Col Waqanisau. Bainimarama was clearly playing both sides and we contend it was to further his own ambitions.
Sunday 2nd July 2000, former coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka claims that there are other key players behind the illegal takeover of the Chaudhry Government.
Lt.Col Seruvakula also said that Ratu Silatolu and Tevita Bukarau had told him that the Commander Frank Bainimarama was misleading the army, implying that both the army and Bainimarama were holding two separate discussions with the George Speight Group. Ratu Silatolu and Tevita Bukarau suggested that Seruvakula overthrow Bainimarama and the hostages would be released. Seruvakula turns down the offer citing the army’s oath of allegiance.
After the hostage crisis ended and the CRW soldiers returned to barracks, in accordance with the Muanikau Accord, Bainimarama tells the CRW soldiers that they are all forgiven and that they would be posted to other units. But this wasn’t totally true. Bainimarama still needed his scapegoats so a number of CRW soldiers were arrested, beaten, charged for treason and imprisoned.
Ratu Silatolu, in his letter, refers to these soldiers as the “sacrificial lambs”, so that Bainimarama could save himself and, instead, “was being credited for restoring law and order and no-one was the wiser“.
RFMF Board of Inquiry
On Bainimarama’s orders the Fiji Military Forces established a Board of Inquiry (from 21August 2000 to 24 October 2000) to look into the involvement of the First Meridian Squadron (CRW) in the illegal takeover of Parliament on 19 May 2000 and the subsequent holding of hostages until 13 July 2000. The inquiry was led by Lt. Colonel Jackson Evans.
The Board interviewed and recorded evidence from one hundred and twelve (112) military and civilian witnesses. Frank Bainimarama refused to be interviewed.
The Board of Inquiry report implicated Bainimarama so he ordered the report destroyed with only one copy to remain with Major Aziz Mohammed. Please note, Major Aziz Mohammed is now a Brigadier. Like Bainimarama, Aziz was promoted over other senior and more qualified military officers.
02 November 2000 Mutiny
It is important to understand that the CRW mutiny of 02 November 2000 was not against the RFMF or the people of Fiji. The mutiny was aimed at one person only, Frank Bainimarama, because he had used the CRW to do his bidding and then he (Bainimarama) betrayed (liumuri) them to save himself.
The Muanikau accord that helped end the hostage situation included an agreement that all CRW soldiers involved in parliament would return to RFMF. The murderer Frank Bainimarama also told CRW soldiers that they were all forgiven and that they would be posted to other units. Meanwhile, CRW members were being arrested and charged for treason.
So what were the CRW to do? They were being blamed for the 2000 coup, arrested at their homes, beaten and then charged for treason and either sent to jail or imprisoned on Nukulau Island, which was setup as a detention camp. Then Frank Bainimarama tells the CRW that their unit is going to be disbanded, further suggesting to the world that the CRW unit was guilty of staging the coup and could no longer be trusted and had to be dealt with.
The CRW soldiers saw their options as:
- just accept what was happening to them and move on
- kill Bainimarama for betraying them.
Frank Bainimarama was counting on option one, with the CRW soldiers just rolling over and accepting their predicament. But Frank Bainimarama was wrong!
The CRW were not going to take the blame for following orders from their Commander, Frank Bainimarama, who had betrayed his men to save himself. The CRW were all clear, in their understanding, that they had followed their Commander’s orders to go into Parliament and to protect the hostages. And that is what they had done.
To accept what was happening to them and move on meant going to jail and their families would no longer receive their income and support. How were the families to survive? Who would pay the bills and put food on the table? And their children…
The CRW chose to kill Bainimarama for betraying them. However, this act to kill another Fijian went against their beliefs and inner being. It was hard for them to contemplate. So to help overcome this situation the CRW soldiers first consumed large quantities of alcohol before the operation got underway. This move proved fatal. Their operation didn’t go according to plan and the rest is history, with Bainimarama setting a world record for the “casava-patch” dash. Bainimarama had abandoned his men at the start of the mutiny and ran away to save himself.
A Lt.Colonel commented that it was raining that day but there was dust in the air! The Lt.Colonel was dismissed from the army. It wasn’t raining that sad day of the mutiny but the Lt.Colonel’s comment aptly describes Bainimarama’s character and lack of bravery in deserting his post and men. The Fijian word for this is lamusona!
Loyal Fiji CRW soldiers, who had followed their commander’s orders, were now being hunted down, captured, tortured and some murdered. Even those CRW that were not involved in parliament were being hunted down and tortured.
There were over 60 tortured CRW soldiers held captive in Korovou prison, just across the road from the Suva yacht club. The number of CRW soldiers being arrested was increasing daily and they were taken to Korovou prison. Their families were not told of their whereabouts and they didn’t know if they were dead or alive.
Frank Bainimarama had given strict instructions that none of the tortured CRW soldiers were to receive any medical attention. But through the grace of God, a Marist Priest, Father Seluini Akauola, a specialist Moral Theologian and Counselor, was there in Fiji and he went out of his way to seek help for the CRW soldiers. They finally received medical attention and most of them are still alive today.
Fr. Akauola, who often visited the CRW soldiers in Korovou, recalled with tears in his eyes, that the CRW boys were treated like animals. He said that they had been locked up in their dark cells for days, even weeks, with their injuries untreated. The injuries included multiple fractures to the arms and legs and ribs, severe bruises and swelling, and open wounds and distorted faces. Captain Steven, who had led the CRW operation against Frank Bainimarama, was near death. Fr. Akauola said that he “could not believe that one human being could do this type of injury to another human being”. Here are a few photos of those tortured and murdered Loyal Fiji CRW soldiers.
 Beaten unconscious |
 Beaten unconscious |
 Murdered |
Murdered |
To this end, Bainimarama issued instructions that Lt.Colonel Filipo Tarakinikini return to Fiji from New York to face allegation charges.
Lt.Col Tarakinikini responds in a statement (See The Daily Post article, dated April 18, 2002) saying that he had advised Bainimarama to relinquish Executive Authority to its proper place, but Bainimarama insisted on keeping it. Lt.Col Tarakinikini goes on to state that people need to properly understand military command, as in military law command is “total”, meaning that soldiers follow orders. But now Bainimarama is trying to pass the buck to the soldiers and officers that were under his (Bainimarama) command. Another “liumuri” by Frank Bainimarama, Commander RFMF.
Colonel S Draunidalo’s statement also supports Lt.Col Tarakinikini’s statement that in military law Command is total. Col Draunidalo stated that they (the Colonels) had to develop strategies to support their Commander Bainimarama’s directive, which was to support the Indigenous Fijian cause led by George Speight and his group.
Lt.Col Tarakinikini also states that the CRW were under the direct command of someone else and not him. We contend that the only person with the authority to deploy CRW was the commander RFMF, Frank Bainimarama. Lt.Col Seruvakula also stated that Bainimarama was in direct contact with the Officer Commanding the CRW soldiers.
In addition, Lt.Col Tarakinikini says that no amount of cover-up will absolve responsibility for that failure, from where it truly belongs, and that all professional officers and soldiers know this. And a public inquiry will bring out those that really failed Fiji in 2000.
Post 2000 Coup
Appointment of a New Commander RFMF
Government was in the process of appointing a new Commander RFMF to replace Bainimarama, so Bainimarama broke the law by threatening the Prime Minister to renew his contract as Commander RFMF.
Ratu Silatolu, while in prison for his role in the 2000 Coup, writes a letter to Bainimarama dated 02 March 2004, congratulating Bainimarama for getting his (Bainimarama) job back. Ratu Silatolu also says that Bainimarama didn’t practice “doing to others what you would like done to you” because as soon as Bainimarama got his job back, he started to remove others from their jobs.
Bainimarama Orders Military to Plan Removal of Government
Colonel Tuatoko states that on 16 December 2003 Bainimarama instructed his senior officers to draw up plans for the removal of Government. This is the very Government that Bainimarama, as Commander RFMF, was duty bound to protect. Bainimarama also told the officers, “dou cakava vaka totolo na plan de dou qai kidacala au sa liu sobu i ra" [hurry up and do the plans or you will be surprised when I do it myself]. The senior officers decided that they would not draw up plans because it was a criminal and treasonable act.
Bainimarama reiterated his intentions to remove Government at a military conference on 18 December 2003 and tells the officers to continue to draw up the plans. Colonel Tuatoko states that Bainimarama told them that he (Bainimarama) did not want anybody sitting on the fence and if anyone did not agree with his (Bainimarama’s) intentions to remove government then they were to leave. At the end of the conference Bainimarama personally interviews Colonel Kadavulevu, Colonel Tuatoko, Lt.Colonel Raduva, Navy Captain Teleni, Commander Koroi and Commander Natuva.
During Col.Tuatoko’s interview Bainimarama says that he (Bainimarama) will forcefully remove government if his contract as Commander RFMF was not renewed. Col.Tuatoko advises Bainimarama that such an act is illegal and treasonous and that Bainimarama should seek legal options. Bainimarama states that the legal process will take too long and that he (Bainimarama) must remain as Commander RFMF because there is no other person who could pursue the May 2000 prosecutions as he was doing.
In a way Bainimarama is correct because other people would want to find out the truth. Bainimarama just wanted to remain as Commander so that he could guide the outcome of the prosecutions and not implicate himself. This is what Bainimarama has done. Anyone with information and knowledge about his (Bainimarama) involvement in the 2000 coup, that could incriminate him (Bainimarama), has either been arrested, beaten, prosecuted and locked away so that no-one hears their full story.
Colonel Tuatoko advised Bainimarama against using the RFMF institution to sort out his personal disagreements with Government. Bainimarama rejects the advice and questions Col Tuatoko’s loyalty to him (Bainimarama). Col Tuatoko advises that he can’t support an illegal and treasonable act. Other officers state that they, as officers, had pledged allegiance to RFMF, the institution.
On 05 January 2004 Colonel George Kadavulevu formally advises Bainimarama against removing the SDL Government.
On 12 January 2004 Colonel Kadavulevu and other senior officers are removed for advising Bainimarama against removing government. Bainimarama had initially replied that he was only testing them and then he questioned their individual loyalty to himself. The senior officers, except for Col. Naivalurua, said that, as officers, they had pledged their allegiance and loyalty to the RFMF institution. All these senior officers who had stood their professional and moral ground and questioned Bainimarama's illegal and treasonous intentions were all removed.
But why didn’t these same senior officers who were removed not band together and stand by their Commander in Chief, the President, and the Prime minister and Government of the day. It was their duty to protect those in these high offices. Yes, why didn’t they? This is where blind obedience to the military chain of command steps in, and what Lt. Col Tarakinikini refers to as “in military law command is total”. This law goes beyond stupidity, as evident in the case of Fiji, but we will park this topic for now.
The CEO, Ministry of Home Affairs, also stated that on 12 January 2004 the Commander RFMF, Bainimarama had told him that had it not been for the Minister, he (the CEO) would have been dead already and the next time the military will come back to “finish what they started”, and he (Bainimarama) would personally lead the military to town and would make sure that the CEO was the first to die.
At that point the CEO told Bainimarama that when he next comes to town he should come alone, without his weapon and without his armed body guards and then try to kill the CEO. Bainimarama became furious and challenged the CEO to a fist fight by taking off his web belt (with his weapon) and posing for a fight. This behavior portrays Bainimarama’s uncouth character and juvenile intellect.
However, the Fiji military follows a strict chain of command and the military officers had also stated that there was a lot of confusion throughout the first few days of the 2000 coup. In particular, what was happening, who was in charge and which side was the military on, so it is safe to assume that Bainimarama was referring to himself when he told the CEO that the military will come back to finish what “they” started.
On 19 January 2004, Lieutenant Colonel SV Raduva advised the CEO, Ministry of Home Affairs, about Bainimarama's threat to remove Government, saying "it is the duty of every officer and solider of the RFMF, in accordance with RFMF Standing Orders Vol 1, Part XXI, para 21.4, to notice and report any negligence or impropriety of conduct on the part of officers and soldiers".
Bainimarama’s planned coup 2003/2004 didn’t have the support of the senior RFMF officers so he removed them to clear all opposition to his plan to remove government.
Then during the buildup to the 2006 elections, the SDL campaigned for Fijian votes, and came up with manifestos that Bainimarama used in his argument to demonize the Government and portray himself as the only person Fiji could trust.
In September 2005 military spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Orisi Rabukawaqa started using the term ethno-nationalism to justify Bainimarama’s opposition to the SDL government’s Qoliqoli (customary seashore rights) and Reconciliation bills[1]. There are statements suggesting that certain hotel owners had paid Bainimarama to stop the Qoliqoli bill. But we will park this issue for now.
The military, under Bainimarama’s orders, had also embarked on its ‘Truth and Justice’ campaign in the run up to the elections, which was targeted against the governing SDL party. Bainimarama’s primary public justification was an alleged effort to ‘cleanse’ Fiji of trouble-making ethno-nationalists[2].
But this was all a ploy by Bainimarama to remove the lawfully elected Government and save himself from being arrested and charged by police.
The 2006 Coup
Bainimarama Shuts Down Witnesses Who Could Incriminate Him
On 29 January 2006 George Speight and his associates indicated their willingness to face a government proposed Reconciliation and Unity Commission. They were willing to tell everything they knew about the planning, financing, and execution of the 2000 coup. But Bainimarama objected to the establishment of the Commission. The proposed Reconciliation and Unity Commission didn’t eventuate and Bainimarama continues to vigorously object to any and all attempts for a public inquiry.
The closest Fiji has come to a public inquiry was the Fiji Military Forces Board of Inquiry led by
Lt. Colonel Jackson Evans.
Planned Arrest of Bainimarama and 2006 Coup
The police investigation into Frank Bainimarama goes back all the way to Bainimarama’s involvement in the 2000 coup, where he betrayed his Commander in Chief, the Government of the day, the RFMF, the Counter Revolutionary Warfare unit (CRW), the people of Fiji and above all he betrayed his fellow coup conspirators. The key players in the 2000 Coup were safely locked away in Naboro prison unable to reveal what they know about Bainimarama. Others are dead.
Meanwhile, the police investigations were continuing in the background. In November 2006, the Fiji police, working with their New Zealand counterparts, organized to arrest Bainimarama while he was in New Zealand. However, this operation was cancelled. Bainimarama was made aware of this fact and that his arrest was imminent.
Bainimarama returned to Fiji and staged the coup on 6 December 2006.
Police Charges
In November 2006, the police charges against RFMF Commander Frank Bainimarama included:
- Disobedience of a lawful order by the Minister of Home Affairs, the Prime Minister’s office and the Office of the President
- Sedition in threatening the Minister of Home Affairs and the Prime Minister’s office
- Treason in plotting to overthrow the government
- Unlawfully obtaining approval from his Excellency the President to abort the commission of inquiry against Bainimarama, Commander Fiji Military Forces
- Illegal removal of the President of Fiji in 2000
- Murder of CRW soldiers in 2000
- Abuse of office.
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It is clear that the dictator Bainimarama is a born liar, and in lying he exceeds in volume and ability any normal person. And he will continue to do so to ensure he remains in power to avoid being arrested and charged by police in a free and fair democratic system.
He has now hired (at very considerable cost to the hapless Fiji taxpayer) a discredited spin doctor, to cover up and embellish his lies.
Yet all these lies pall into insignificance compared to the biggest lie which he has spun and continues to spin, and which has been the basis for whatever reluctant international acceptance or forbearance has taken place in regard to his brutal junta.
Adolf Hitler's propaganda Minister Goebbels once stated that the bigger the lie and the more often it is repeated the more likely it is to be accepted. So it is the same with Bainimarama.
Frank Bainimarama is lying to Fiji and to the world. He wants everyone and certainly the people of Fiji, to believe that his record is not blood stained, that his motives are noble and that he is nothing but a selfless servant of the higher cause of a pure Fiji. But the actual record of what he said and did (or did not do) tells another story.
His actual narrative is littered with lies, paranoia, betrayals and self aggrandizement, a man escaping from the law, not doing his sworn duty to uphold it.
In Frank Bainimarama’s hands, Fiji is on the fast road to rack and ruin.
International Response
U.S. Embassy cables from Suva confirmed to the world that Frank Bainimarama was using beatings and intimidation of innocent Fiji citizens to control Fiji.
The cables also confirmed that Bainimarama himself handed out some of the beatings. We also know that Frank Bainimarama beat unarmed and defenseless women, which goes some way to explaining why Bainimarama so easily abandoned his men to save himself and set a new world record in the process.
In fact Bainimarama himself told European diplomats that anyone who speaks out against his brutal rule, “we must have them taken to barracks and beaten up”. Why does Bainimarama need to do this? Is he afraid of the truth getting out?
But more so, why does the international community not do anything about Bainimarama besides just talk. Bainimarama wasn’t elected and he is now even more corrupt then the Government he deposed.
Frank Bainimarama is a dictator and a terrorist who is holding Fiji hostage but the international community has settled for talk and sanctions that do not hurt the members of Bainimarama’s military junta and their key supporters!
It is clear from the events in Tunisia, Libya, Iraq and Egypt that diplomacy doesn’t work and that hard decisions need to be made. It also showed that the people and citizens of these countries do not like living under an oppressive and brutal dictatorship. These were the very dictatorships that the international community was willing to accept for the past 40 years, all the while the citizens under these dictatorships were living in hardship, threatened, beaten and even killed.
In the end, the brave people of Tunisia, Libya, Iraq and Egypt decided that enough was enough. But this decision came at a huge cost. Many people lost their lives to fight for freedom. The help from the international community did make a vast difference to the outcome in Libya and without NATO’s assistance Libyans may still be fighting against the heavily armed and well supplied Government forces of the dictator Col. Gaddafi. Or they would have all been arrested or killed.
Instead, this time, there is positive action from some of the international communities, with good results. Libya is now free to choose the future she wants though a democratic process.
- Libya’s dictator Col Gaddafi was beaten and shot
- Iraq’s dictator Saddam Hussein was hanged
- Egypt’s dictator Mubarak is on trial.
But why did the international community allow Gaddafi’s brutal dictatorship to continue for 40 years. Thousands of people suffered.
We can see this similar approach being applied to the situation in Fiji. As if the problem in Fiji is neither morally necessary nor politically appropriate. Or are our regional leaders uncomfortable of the hard questions or not culturally capable of the type of leadership required to assist the oppressed people of Fiji.
Why did they sit back and allow a madman, Bainimarama, to openly threaten and illegally remove a lawfully elected Government and become Fiji’s brutal dictator.
Now we play a game of diplomacy with soft sanctions against Bainimarama’s junta who are living up the good life on public funds.
Certain countries are unnecessarily worried about, for example:
- their trade with Fiji, as though Fiji businesses would stop ordering quality and more affordable products from its neighbors and start ordering products from further away that will end up being more expensive and most likely unaffordable to most of their customers in Fiji
- the supply of Fiji troops as if it would end under a democratic Government. What will change under a democratic Government is how the Fiji military, its powers and involvement in politics are appropriately managed. The money the soldiers earn on UN missions is of great value to their families and to the country
- the repayment of Fiji’s loans. There is money within Fiji but no one is investing. Too afraid of extortion by Bainimarama and his illegal AG Khaiyum and their self-serving decrees.
Let’s face it, with the return of a democratically elected Government in Fiji and the rule of law and an independent judiciary, investors will be free to decide on best business ventures. And they will also be safe in the knowledge that their disputes will be dealt with in accordance with law, by a free and independent judiciary. This will boost confidence and unleash investors. Soldiers will be available for UN missions and Fiji will be able to start repaying its debts.
Meanwhile the oppressed peoples of Fiji who are too afraid and unable to stand up to the brutal Bainimarama junta continue their lives in their habitual rhythms of work and leisure, habitual places of residence, habitual patterns of family and personal relations. Because the miseries of their traditional life have become so familiar that they have become bearable to ordinary people of Fiji who, growing up in such a society, learn to cope, as children born to untouchables in India acquire the skills and attitudes necessary for survival in the miserable roles they are destined to fill. But to the international community this is seen as the oppressive and brutal Bainimarama junta being nothing more than benign.
Where to Next
So is Fiji destined to wait 40years before any sort of authentic and meaningful help is received that will lead to the restoration of democracy to Fiji. Or will the people of Fiji need to start dying first by the hundreds before any authentic help is provided.
There is sufficient evidence to suggest that Frank Bainimarama is guilty of murder and treason. But only a free and independent Fiji judiciary can make that decision and Bainimarama knows it. So to keep himself from being arrested and imprisoned, Bainimarama will do anything and everything to stay in power and control the police and judiciary. This has included beating women and anyone who opposes his brutal and corrupt dictatorship.
A few individuals stood up to oppose Frank Bainimarama but they were arrested, tortured, raped and imprisoned. The Viti Revolutionary Force (VRF) group initiated an uprising of painting anti Bainimarama graffiti across Viti Levu. It was a start to a local uprising and it would have increased with more local support had the international community provided some visible support. But this did not happen. Some even condemned the actions of the VRF group. The VRF leaders have now been arrested and face imprisonment. So what will it take for Fiji to be free and return to democracy?
Ronald Reagan, 40th President of the United States (1981–1989) said that "Freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. We didn't pass it to our children in the bloodstream. It must be fought for, protected, and handed on for them to do the same." So what is all this international talk about leadership and upholding democracy, especially, when there does not appear to be much stomach or willingness to fight for or to defend democracy.
The people of Fiji live under fear and need a leader to show the way out. Prime Minister Qarase requested international assistance before his Government was overthrown, but it did not come. On 6 December 2006 his government was replaced by a tyrant and dictator Bainimarama who has since removed the Great Council of Chiefs, deregistered the Methodist Church of Fiji, implemented illegal decrees to censor the media, abused public funds, appointed unqualified military officers to positions outside their depth, and threatened, beat and raped opponents to his brutal dictatorship. These are only a few of the draconian changes Bainimarama has implemented.
From time to time a truly bestial ruler like Frank Bainimarama can come to power but with democracy and freedom in Fiji their accession to power could regularly be prevented.
Both the people of Fiji and the international community need to consider and decide on the role they want to play. Some have already made their deals. However, their action or non action now will be viewed by future generations as either being an authentic leader or not. The future peace and tranquility of the region will also depend on it.
So where to next? Do we:
- continue down the diplomacy road of more talk that could take 40years and wait and see if the people of Fiji will revolt within that time and end up losing many lives
- take decisive action now that includes the combined efforts of the international community and the people of Fiji to restore democracy to Fiji. And uphold the 2009 Fiji Court of Appeal Ruling, which includes taking Fiji to elections within a year. Then the people of Fiji will be able to decide who should lead them and in what direction they want to go.
We choose option 2. But which country is willing and ready to provide the oppressed people of Fiji with the authentic help that they need to achieve freedom and democracy. Will it be a leader nation or a follower. Time will tell-
The picture of the alcoholic dictator ruling Fiji without a mandate from the people. The picture and the bottle of liquor says it all about the man....
A professional and well trained and well grounded soldier understands and knows those boundries – and disciplines himself to maintain them. Not those who get drunk in Military uniform until they drop to their feet.
Once discipline is broken down, you lose Force coherence – a drunkard ill-disciplined leader will breed a drunkard and ill-discplined army.
This is an organisation which has cost this country, Fiji, very heavily in terms of development – it should have been an organisation which adds value to the country (as it did in the past) - but thats no longer the case today – and it can be seen in whats happening now.
Smuggled papers show Bainimarama's lust for power
The coup leader, aware that his image abroad needed serious repair, immediately granted an interview and launched a charm offensive.
"Just call me Frank," he told Waterson, and later added, "I didn't want this job." He explained he was needed to clean up corruption and put the nation on a path to prosperity.
A series of documents smuggled out of Fiji tell a vastly different story. Bainimarama not only wanted the job but had tried three times previously to seize control of the nation.
His first attempt occurred during the negotiations to end the George Speight hostage crisis in August 2000.
Several of those present confirmed that the Commodore - who had tacitly supported the Speight coup - declared that the military should lead the nation "for the next five, 10 or 50 years".
A heated argument between Speight and Bainimarama ensued, ending only when President Ratu Josefa Iloilo said a democratic solution was the only way forward.
Bainimarama proposed that banker and businessman Laisenia Qarase should lead an interim government with elections after one year. But to his frustration he found his "advice" to the interim government was routinely shunned.
By December 2003 the Qarase government - tired of the Commodore's constant and often public interference - was reluctant to renew his term, due to expire in April the following year.
When Bainimarama got wind of this, he flew into a rage and ordered his senior officers to start planning a coup. But he reckoned without senior officers who counselled against such action and finally refused to implement his orders.
On January 5, 2004, secret advice to Bainimarama not to stage a coup warned of the chaos and damage that could follow.
The document, composed and signed by Lieutenant Colonel Jeremaia Waqanisau, Colonel Alfred Tuatoko, Colonel George Kadavulevu, Colonel Samuela Raduva and naval commander Timoci Koroi, reads in part:
"We feel that the interests of the RFMF (Republic of Fiji Military Forces) and the nation have been overridden by your personal wishes ...
"Under the circumstances there is no way you can justify your intent and impending action. On the other hand the consequences of such action would be catastrophic for Fiji. The despair and suffering will be unbearable and longer lasting than that experienced after 1987 and 2000."
None of the officers agreed to be interviewed.
However, the later "redress of wrong petition" also contains a statement by Tuatoko, who wrote: "In my interview with [Bainimarama] he stated that he would forcefully remove the present government if his term as Comd RFMF was not renewed.
"I advised him that such an act was illegal and amounted to treason. I advised him that there are legal ways to settle his disagreement with government and that he must follow that legal path. Comd said that doing so would take too much time. He said that removing the government would be legally wrong but was morally correct."
This document was sent to the Minister for Home Affairs, Joketani Cokanasiga, and is likely to have been seen by Qarase. Incredibly, nothing was done. A senior minister told Hunter at the time: "We're not too worried about him [Bainimarama]. He doesn't have the support at the camp that he thinks he has."
The aborted coup of January 2004 persuaded the Government that the soldiers would not obey their commander if he ordered them to commit treason by removing it.
In December 2005, Bainimarama decided to try for a third time. He had been reappointed, so his job was no longer an issue, but he knew Police Commissioner Andrew Hughes had no intention of backing off a murder inquiry into the deaths of five members of the elite Counter Revolutionary Warfare unit, kicked to death by loyalist soldiers after the November 2000 mutiny.
There was also anger in sections of the officer corps (by now mostly hand-picked Bainimarama men) that the Qarase Government was "soft" on those involved in the 2000 coup.
Bainimarama had sacked the five officers who refused to carry out his first attempted coup and appointed Lieutenant Colonel Jone Baledrokadroka as Land Force Commander - effectively his deputy. He told Baledrokadroka to prepare plans for a military takeover.
Like his brother officers before him, JB (as he was known) refused to be involved in treason. He was told to take leave and not come back but again the coup had to be postponed.
JB told Hunter on the day of his dismissal: "I saw an order that I deciphered as treasonous and I could not accept it."
By May 2006, in the full realisation that Bainimarama's reappointment had not bought off its troublesome military commander and with a fresh election victory under its belt, the Cabinet wanted him gone.
There was talk of surcharging him for the blatant abuse of military funding in the army's "Truth and Justice" campaign that sought to influence voters during the 2006 election. It came to nothing - but Bainimarama was to hear of it and it fanned the flames of his fury.
With the dismissal of JB he was able to surround himself with an officer corps that owed their positions to him alone. His coup would take place within a year.
Claim strongman threatened to kill officer
Fiji leader Frank Bainimarama threatened to kill a former top army officer who challenged his 2003 coup plan, according to the officer's written testimony.
The late Lieutenant-Colonel Jeremaia Waqanisau refused to carry out the Commodore's coup order and took a new job as CEO at the Ministry of Home Affairs.
In a file note at the time he recalled in January 2004 the Commodore barged into Home Affairs Minister Joketani Cokanasiga's office with several bodyguards, accusing Waqanisau of raising an army against him.
"Bainimarama further said had it not been for the minister I would have been dead already, and next time the military came back to finish what they started he would personally lead [them] to town and make sure I would be the first to die.
"I told Bainimarama when he came down next time he should come alone, without his weapon and his armed body guards and then try to kill me. He became furious challenging me to a fight taking off his [weapon] and posing for a fight... I said I didn't want to fight him and he should go away. The minister was holding him back and eventually pushed him out the door."
* Russell Hunter is former editor-in-chief of the Fiji Sun and was deported from Fiji in 2008. Victor Lal is an Oxford-based academic researcher and a former Fiji journalist and human rights activist. Last week they revealed how former Fijian police chief Andrew Hughes tried unsuccessfully to persuade his New Zealand counterpart Howard Broad to arrest Bainimarama on his visit to New Zealand a few weeks before the 2006 coup.
Professor Wadan Narsey, Adjunct Professor at the Cairns Institute at Australia's James Cook University, says it's not usual for the IMF to be calling on a government to hold elections.
He also says that a close look at the report shows that there's been no real positive signs for growth in Fiji's economy.
Heather Jarvis spoke to Professor Wadan Narsey and asked him for his analysis of the IMF annual report on Fiji.
Presenter: Heather Jarvis
Speaker: Professor Wadan Narsey, Adjunct Professor at Australia's James Cook University
Dr Wadan Narsey
NARSEY: First of all, we have to keep in mind that the IMF focus on policies in developing countries is a very limited focus. They're usually worried about financial conditions, about exchange rates, prices, monetary conditions, the Reserve Bank restrictions and all that. They don't venture usually into areas of poverty and governance. And what is unusual in this report is that it has been produced together with the World Bank, which is far more interested in poverty issues than development issues and also in consultation with other organisations. It is throughout the developing countries, and including Fiji, you've got a lot of international organisations whose brief on development is much broader because the ILO talks about interested in labour conditions, UNDP interested in development in general. So this is indeed a bit of a new thing for the IMF to be suggesting that they need to have concrete plans to hold elections in 2014. And what they're not saying bluntly I think, the IMF is always very diplomatic, they can't go out and be to rough on developing countries and governments. What they are not saying clearly, but it's there in their report is that investment has absolutely sunk right down and it's not just a question of foreign investment, which has declined since 2006, but also local investment, and there are no real positive signs for positive growth in the economy. What the IMF does say is that the military government's expectations are much, much higher than what their own staff estimates are. So I think there's a lot of reading between the lines we need to do. The facts are very clear, what the IMF have produced and the World Bank have produced, one is that the GDP of the country, the real GDP is lower in last year than it was in 2006. So you've had negative growth which has just barely been counteracted by the two per cent growth for last year for 2011, so you're still worse off compared to where you were in 2006. And one area where they have relied on World Bank analysis which I think is wrong is that, World Bank analysis of poverty in Fiji is that rural poverty hasn't worsened, whereas if you use the correct in my opinion methodology of accessing poverty which is by income measures and not expenditure, rural poverty have gone worse by every indicator. So the poverty measures that people are looking at are comparing figures with 2002 with 2008 and 2009 which is three years ago.
If you talk about urban poverty going down, well that was true may be up to 2008, but if you talk to Father Kevin ... who works with the Wages Council in Fiji. He will tell you that urban poverty has gone much, much worse and his efforts have been pretty well not fruitful at all.
JARVIS: So in this report, I mean is the IMF really making a comment on Fiji's affairs? I mean you're saying that they're not you have to read between the lines, but it does seem to be out of character as you say for them?
NARSEY: Yes, but I think that they basically have come to agreement with the World Bank and others that really you need to restore investor confidence in Fiji, you need to have good governance. I mean, they don't mention, for instance, that for the last five years they've been no auditor-generals reports on government spending in Fiji, so people have no idea whether these numbers that we've been given about government revenues and expenditure are correct or not. One thing is for sure, the IMF is saying the government revenue forecast are going to be very difficult to achieve, especially when they've reduced corporate taxes by 30%, 30% or 40% and also income tax is at the high end. So their spending has kept on rising and the IMF doesn't say that the fiscal stimulant was due to an increase in salaries expenditure in the security forces, in the police and the military, because it's hardly the kind of fiscal stimulus that you want to see happening.
They do talk about the slow pace of structural reforms and especially they refer to the sugar industry, where the reality there is that a very large sum of money has been spent and the mills productivity has remained low, or has reduced. So I think the IMF is giving some very, very good advice in some areas, but the advice may get lost because they're, the IMF usual method of being very, very polite and diplomatic.
JARVIS: Mmm. So it sounds to me like there are some pretty fuzzy figures being bandied about and also you talked about structural reforms and the report says that Fiji needs concrete plans, it needs structural reforms. What's meant by structural reforms, what sort of things?
NARSEY: Well, I think the IMF usually try to encourage privatisation of government-owned enterprises. In the SSC, for instance, which is probably one of the largest public enterprises, the government has gone the other way.
JARVIS: That's The State Sugar Corporation?
NARSEY: Yeah, that's right, yeah. They've completely taken it over. And the thing about public enterprises is the reason why we are in trouble is because the heavy hand of government control and government bureaucrats and ministers and civil servants. They're not entrepreneurs, so they are not going to be in a situation to bring around any reversal of inefficiencies in public enterprises. So the IMF really would rather that they let go of all of these controls of public enterprises, but they find it difficult to say so. They do say, for instance, that there are far to many price controls in the place and you've got to admit that this Commerce Commission doesn't have the capacity to go and check on the prices of a thousand items every week and regulate it. The IMF says that the government is wrong and the Reserve Bank is wrong in trying to lay down credit growth targets for banks, because it can't force banks to lend, when there is a lack of bankable projects in place. And the reason why you have a lack of bankable projects is because the private sector doesn't have the confidence, that the military regime is not going to pass a military decree which says that you can't take your legitimate grievances to court and they have done that in a number of cases, including the well known case of the Pension Fund, with pensioners who signed contracts with the Pension Fund which have now allegedly by military decree been virtually halved and the military decree also says you're not allowed to go to court to challenge these measures. So there are other places where military decrees have sort of appropriated property. I think there was a case of the foreign investment in the Momi Bay and the company that went belly up in New Zealand and basically the decree said those efforts are going to be taken over by the FNPF. So the IMF it does say lots and lots of good things. You have to read between the lines to see where the good things are and it also says a lot of very, very worrying things, which are not given prominence in the summaries and the worrying things are all there. If you read the report with a good microscope.
Naupoto (left) and Usamate newest unelected Ministers in Fiji Dictatorship
The government said the creation of a separate Ministry for Youth and Sports with its own cabinet minister is necessary in light of Fiji’s growing youth population.
The ministry will also assist the government in preparing our young people who will be eligible to vote in the 2014 general election and by ensuring that they understand their rights to vote and the importance of their votes in electing a new government.
The government said it also recognizes the contribution of sports to the overall development of the country.
The government said the creation of a new and separate cabinet minister for the Ministry of Labour, Industrial Relations and Employment is indicative of government commitment to labour related issues in the country.
The two new ministers start their duties today after they were sworn-in by the President earlier today.
WASHINGTON — The International Monetary Fund on Tuesday called for the military government of Fiji to relax emergency measures in preparation for a promised 2014 election, a rare Fund foray into domestic politics.
In its annual report on Fiji's economy, the IMF said its mission team in the country had found the economy needed structural reforms and a "concrete plan" ahead of the first elections since a 2006 military coup.
"Removing structural impediments to growth is critically important. Many of the mission?s interlocutors suggested that relaxing the emergency regulation and establishing a clear path toward a 2014 election would be the key measures to boost investor confidence," the report said.
"The current government took power in a 2006 coup, relations with traditional donors are strained, and FDI (foreign direct investment) has dropped sharply, though emerging donors remain engaged and have provided assistance," the IMF added.
"Elections expected for 2009 did not occur, but the government has subsequently announced plans for an election in 2014 and provided an allocation in the 2012 budget for electoral preparations."
IMF comments on domestic politics are rare; the report was approved by the Fund's executive board at the conclusion of the review on January 20.
Fiji's military strongman Voreqe Bainimarama announced on January 2 he would end emergency laws in place since 2009, when a Fiji court ruled his 2006 coup was illegal.
The IMF executive board said in an accompanying statement to the report that Fiji faces a preponderance of negative risks "given political uncertainties, structural weaknesses, and the fragile global economy."
Copyright © 2012 AFP. All rights reserved
Could NZ have stopped Fiji's 2006 coup?
An article in the New Zealand Herald over the weekend suggests that New Zealand had the opportunity to prevent the 2006 coup in Fiji but let it pass.
The lead up to the coup in 2006 was a long and very public one.
Commodore Bainimarama made no secret of the fact that he was unhappy with the then Prime Minister, Laiesenia Qarase and the SDL party and unless he stepped down the military would take over.
The article "New Zealand foiled Fiji police commissioner's request to arrest Bainimarama in Wellington resulting in 2006 coup" is the prelude to a book expected to be released in two months time.
Presenter: Geraldine Coutts
Speaker:Russell Hunter, former CEO of Fiji Sun and first publisher to be deported from Fiji, and Leader of New Zealand First Party Winston Peters
COUTTS: OK, none of this has been born out.
Mr. Peters to you now, a direct quote from the article says that had Bainimarama been arrested in New Zealand, the Fiji military would have been unable and unwilling to proceed with the removal of the Qarase government. You were the then foreign minister. What's your account of it, is that correct?
PETERS: Well, the fact is that these are statements being made now, but if you look at the substance of it, there was never going to be any action of that type out of New Zealand, because there was no law to bring such an action about in New Zealand. The very idea of arresting somebody in New Zealand because of events in Fiji without any international protocol would have been an extraordinary irresponsible act for a country like New Zealand or Australia, for that matter to endure and I'm aware of the comments and suggestions and the planning of ideas, but it was never going to be a goer.
COUTTS: Russell Hunter back to you now. You suggest that there's Wikileaks information to support your claim?
HUNTER: Yes, there was. Well, I don't know that it supports any claim, but certainly there was at least one leaked cable that indicated that New Zealand Foreign Affairs. I suggest this was the Civil Service not the body politic.
The foreign affairs view was that there was next to no hope of a political or diplomatic settlement in Fiji.
COUTTS: And is that your account of it to Mr. Peters?
PETERS: Oh look, this is a bit more complex than it seems from the comments or views that appear in various, well diplomatic or international papers.
Remember, Bainimarama was involved way back at the time of Speight, not in a way that he seems he is painted as an angel for democracy. I think there's far more information to suggest that he was himself partly involved in it and there may have been a switch later. And then you come forward to Australian head of police, Hughes, making suggestion to our head of police, a man called Howard Broad, that such an arrest should be taking place. At the diplomatic level, they were told very clearly from the foreign affairs, New Zealand's point of view or foreign affairs was told we are not getting involved in such a serious issue without any international merit, without any international precedent to that. The fact is, of course, there had already been three coups before that, and it was very clear then and with retrospect from my meetings that Bainimarama was hell bent on doing this regardless.
COUTTS: And Mr. Peters, just sticking with you for the moment. Wouldn't an international incident being one of the allegations that Mr. Hughes and his family were threatened and had to do a midnight flit. They left the country in a hurry. Wouldn't that have been a trigger for the arrests?
PETERS: No, of course not. I mean the fact is this is an internal Fiji circumstance. We're very much aware of the fact that Hughes had to flee the country and his family, we could see why. If you are facing up to a coup at any moment, then the likely consequences of what would happen to the Commissioner were very, very clear, given that when he says bring Bainimarama in for a chat, that wasn't the intention. Bring Bainimarama into arrest him was what the intention would have been. Now that's all within the per view of Fijian politics, but it's not within the per view of New Zealand or international politics in the way that say these Wikileaks or these other documents might be painting them.
COUTTS: Russell Hunter, you also say in this article quoting again directly "Mr. Hughes, with permission from New Zealand Prime Minister, Helen Clark, the then prime minister Helen Clark accompanied Mr Qarase on a flight". He had already sent two senior officers, an assistant commissioner and a prominent detective to Wellington to liaise in the planned arrest. So it did get that far?
HUNTER: Oh yeah, according to Andrew Hughes it did and it's important to, to remember that again according to Mr. Hughes there was an offence in New Zealand for Commodore Bainimarama to answer. This is what the whole thing was based on that he had committed an offence in New Zealand and could be arrested. Again, according to Mr. Hughes there was at first agreement that this would happen and two teams from each force worked over a weekend to establish the fact that there was a case to answer and the exact chain of events after that is less than clear. But what we do know is that Mr. Broad eventually said no, we're not going ahead with this.
COUTTS: And on that point, he did have a change of heart. Can you shed any light on that Mr. Peters as to why Mr. Broad did change his mind?
PETERS: In regards to this issue, he might have been head of the police, but this is an international matter at that point in time and I did not believe for a moment that either Helen Clark or anybody else in New Zealand would have thought this was New Zealand politics that were in the government would have thought that this was a course of action that could have been taken. But they may have been talking about it from the view of these are options we might like to present for the government, but they had and would have got I believe no authority to even to put them into place. Because if you look at and the Pacific context, this was a serious, serious departure from sound international relations and the sort of relations are very important to New Zealand.
COUTTS: It was agreed according to your article Russell Hunter that there was a case to answer on a sedition charge. What do you really know about it though, because Mr. Broad has now retired, refusing to comment citing secrecy laws and Andrew Hughes himself has also remained silent?
HUNTER: Mmm. No, it wasn't a sedition charge. The charge they were contemplating was perverting the course of justice in a foreign jurisdiction. This was in relation to remarks that Commodore Bainimarama had made in New Zealand referring to his investigation for sedition. Andrew Hughes has told us that he at first was satisfied that there was a case to answer and that again, according to him, both forces were convinced that an arrest could, at least theoretically be made. When Mr. Broad who did actually comment to the New Zealand Herald in the end, saying that he was quite comfortable with his decision, but when he got back to Andrew Hughes to say well, this is not going to happen. Foreign affairs prefers a political solution, Andrew Hughes said he argues as hard as he could that this was purely a police matter. It was not a decision for foreign affairs to make.
Now there the trail goes cold. We don't really know what happened after that.
COUTTS: And Mr. Peters, is that your account of it as well, not much is known following that?
PETERS: Well, I think more was known than we're hearing now. But the fact is that the law upon which you would base any such interventions, that is the arrest of Bainimarama in New Zealand simply does not in the context that you've just heard exist. So on what basis would we be acting, that somebody wasn't potentially wasn't involved in sedition in a foreign land. Fiji is an independent country and this is extraordinary that the Australian policeman and I thought so at the time that the head of the Australian head of the Fijian police seemed to have a pretty raw understanding of where the boundaries were and this is a very clear example of it,
COUTTS: And Russell Hunter, do you agree?
HUNTER: Not entirely. I can see where Mr. Peters is coming from. It would have been in my personal view a very dramatic step for New Zealand to take. But both sets of police seem to have been convinced at least at one stage, that there was a case to answer in New Zealand and not in Fiji, in New Zealand.
COUTTS: OK. Just finally then Russell Hunter, you're sticking with your article and the coup of 2006 could have been prevented?
HUNTER: Oh yes, it could have been, yes.
COUTTS: And Mr. Peters, do you agree it could have been prevented?
PETERS: Well look, if you were to look at other options, for example, a more responsible military in Fiji, a range of leadership issues, but with hindsight one may not be able to use that defence of the chieftainship system in Fiji itself. There are a lot of things you could say, but basing it on the so-called intervention of New Zealand police, with respect to potential sedition offences in Fiji seems to me to have been an extraordinary based on which you make up this claim.
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Fiji police chief tried to get Bainimarama arrested in NZ
Fiji’s chief of police made a private call to his New Zealand counterpart urging him to arrest Commodore Frank Bainimarama a few weeks before the military leader seized power in a coup in December 2006.
It was reported at the time that a request had been made through Interpol and rejected by the New Zealand Government but only now can details from behind the scenes be revealed.
In November 2006 then Police Commissioner Howard Broad took the call from his Fiji counterpart Andrew Hughes, an Australian, who wanted to know if Commodore Bainimarama had committed any offence under New Zealand law for which he could be arrested.
Teams of police officers from both forces worked over a weekend and agreed the future dictator could be charged in New Zealand with perverting the course of justice in a foreign jurisdiction.
The planned charge related to remarks made by Commodore Bainimarama in New Zealand regarding an investigation into his alleged sedition in Fiji.
Mr Hughes sent two senior officers – an assistant commissioner and a senior detective – to New Zealand to liaise in the planned arrest.
“Then Howard Broad had a change of heart,” said Mr Hughes. “He said New Zealand Foreign Affairs preferred a political solution.
“I argued it was his decision as Police Commissioner as to who should be charged in New Zealand.”
At the time Commodore Bainimarama was in New Zealand for his granddaughter’s christening and the Foreign Minister at the time, Winston Peters, had taken the opportunity to broker talks between him and elected Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase aimed at diverting Fiji’s lurch towards a military takeover.
A day later, Mr Hughes received a call from Mr Broad.
“He sought my assurance that no NZ citizen would be endangered in Fiji as result of an arrest,” said Mr Hughes.
“Of course I would do all in my power to protect all the people in Fiji but a blanket assurance of that kind was not possible. It would be like me asking him for a similar assurance covering all Fiji people in New Zealand. It wasn’t possible to give him that.
“In the end, Mr Broad told me, ‘Well, we’re not going to arrest him.”‘
Mr Broad, now retired, told the Weekend Herald yesterday in a written statement that he remembered the call well.
“I remember it as a highly unusual request to consider an allegation against the Chief of Defence Force of a neighbouring country’s properly constituted Government.
“I remember giving this decision a lot of consideration because it contained complex operational, legal and policy issues. I made the decision but I took a lot of advice. I remain comfortable with it.”
He said some aspects of Mr Hughes’ explanation did not accord with his recollection but he did not specify what they were.
In Suva, the Fiji police force had been awaiting an opportunity to arrest the commodore on the sedition charge but were unable to penetrate his heavily armed personal security detail – rarely less than 12-strong at any given time.
“I had earlier taken a brief of evidence to the DPP,” said Mr Hughes, “and it was agreed that there was a case to answer on a sedition charge.
“We wanted to arrest and charge Commodore Bainimarama but he was permanently covered by heavy security. I was very keen to avoid an armed confrontation between the police and the military. So we waited.”
As Prime Minister Qarase waited at Suva’s Nausori airport to board a New Zealand Air Force VIP jet to take him to the Peters-brokered talks in Wellington, he was surprised to be joined by Mr Hughes, who then explained that the arrest plan was unlikely to come to fruition. Mr Qarase was shocked.
The Fiji Police Commissioner boarded the flight and in Wellington he met a deputy secretary for foreign affairs but was again told the New Zealand Government’s position was that a political or diplomatic solution was preferred.
Aware that the police were ready to arrest him in Suva, Commodore Bainimarama had made it one of his many conditions for any settlement that the police commissioner would have to go.
Mr Hughes had, a week previously, sent his wife and sons to Australia having received credible information that they could be targeted by a military snatch squad.
In Wellington, he sought consular advice which was that he should not return to Fiji. He never did.
Mr Hughes also considered the safety of his own loyal officers who would try to protect him from military arrest.
The 2006 coup was the commodore’s fourth attempt.
In 2000 during the negotiations that ended the Speight hostage crisis he suggested that the military should run the country for up to 50 years but Speight – and the president – would have none of it. In 2004 and again in 2005 he planned to take over the Government but his senior officers refused to commit treason.
All were sacked.
By December 2006 it was now or never for Commodore Bainimarama. It was widely agreed amongst informed observers of the events of 2006 in Fiji, including the diplomatic community, that without Commodore Bainimarama the RFMF would be rudderless.
Had Commodore Bainimarama been arrested in New Zealand the Fiji military would have been unable and unwilling to proceed with the removal of the Qarase Government.
The then US ambassador to Fiji, Larry Dinger, summed it up when he told his masters in Washington in a cable leaked by WikiLeaks regarding the New Zealand arrest plan.
“Being passive with bullies only encourages them. An arrest abroad might be the only way to enforce a criminal charge and remove the Bainimarama thorn,” he reported.
Labour’s foreign affairs spokesman Phil Goff, who did not deal with the issue, could not confirm Mr Hughes’ account.
However, he could understand why no arrest was made, saying such a course of action would mean a country lost its credibility as a mediator for dealing with crises.
“I scarcely think you were going to lure a person here under false pretences only to arrest him. That would be seen as an ambush and bad faith and it wouldn’t have resolved the situation within Fiji. “
Russell Hunter is former editor in chief of the Fiji Sun and was deported from Fiji in 2008. Victor Lal is an Oxford-based academic researcher and is a former Fiji journalist and human rights activist.
By Russell Hunter and Victor Lal
MURDERER SACKS CIVIL SERVANTS OVER “SICK SHEET” SCAM
Another 56 workers of the Ministry of Works, Transport and Public Utilities were sacked yesterday after their involvement in a sick sheet scam.
Permanent Secretary for Works Commander Francis Kean said they have taken the step after analyzing all the evidence and seeking the advice of the Public Service Commission and the Solicitor General’s Office.
The 56 workers went home yesterday after the earlier sacking of 58 workers in December in relation to a similar sick sheet scam.
When questioned by Fijivillage on whether the problem has been fully dealt with, Commander Kean said the matter will not end here.
He said the message to all staff of the Ministry from day one since taking office is to commit to an honest day’s work.
Commander Kean said the actions of these workers are in total contrast to the message that has been delivered to them and is a blatant disregard of the terms and conditions of their employment as Government Wage Earners.
The same medical doctor from Nausori was involved in the case and the Ministry of Health has been advised of the outcome of the investigations.
Permanent Secretary for Works Commander Francis Kean said they have taken the step after analyzing all the evidence and seeking the advice of the Public Service Commission and the Solicitor General’s Office.
The 56 workers went home yesterday after the earlier sacking of 58 workers in December in relation to a similar sick sheet scam.
When questioned by Fijivillage on whether the problem has been fully dealt with, Commander Kean said the matter will not end here.
He said the message to all staff of the Ministry from day one since taking office is to commit to an honest day’s work.
Commander Kean said the actions of these workers are in total contrast to the message that has been delivered to them and is a blatant disregard of the terms and conditions of their employment as Government Wage Earners.
The same medical doctor from Nausori was involved in the case and the Ministry of Health has been advised of the outcome of the investigations.
By Vijay Narayan.
Read below some communication from Fiji Economic Forum FB site on the above topic:
Suliasi Daunitutu: Why wouldn't they comment on the doctor's fate ? He is just as guilty if he was handing out boggy sickies.
Annunakii Grey The doc was last years news ........december last year to be exact
Saltenberg Sorby you to for condoning and sympathizing with the sickees
Suliasi Daunitutu I wrote above that a penalty of a losing a weeks wages would be enough to discourage further misbehaviours. I am not sympathising with the workers...I am thinking of the families that depend on that income. Over 100 workers is a lot of income lost for God knows how many families
Saltenberg Sorby You don't know industrial relation and human resource management. You have a lot to learn before you can be responsible for any governance. You pray and I kick them through the Ten Commandments which Jesus also supported.
Suliasi Daunitutu You might be a more qualified person than me, but you don't have to be a rocket scientist to know, that performance and productivity will suffer if you are minus over 100 workers in two weeks.
Saltenberg Sorby It's no use trying to make you guys change and be acceptable. I believe that you are nice person to befriend but we are in two different worlds Suli
Sila Kotobalavu Whats that saying? "u pay peanuts u get monkeys"(?) comes to mind. BUT nevertheless we have to start somewhere...right?
Richard G. Whippy Qoroniasi Bale was a declared bankrupt and yet he was given the AG's post in Qarase's government!...a case of do as I say and not as I do?...definately!.
Paul Turaga Lets focus a little bit to the Clinic Room for revenue taking from this..114 workers (56,58) if they visit the clinic three times a month for $10.00 per consultation he/she get $3420/month and & $41040/year.Lets project more if this scam has been going on for the last 3 years and revenue taking will approximately $123,120.However,revenue variation will also increase if some of the employees visit the clinic more than 3 times/month.Again,as we read from the first trimester of this scam most of them didn't even visit the clinic.
Richard G. Whippy The volume of sick sheets in this case can never compare to that which has been pumped out of the Bailey Clinic to Civil Servants and employees in the Private Sector over the years, under similar circumstances by respectable doctors who were also members of the laity. The only difference is that in this case they were caught, whereas at the Bailey Clinic 'business' is probably still carrying on as normal.
Tevita Korodrau Paul Turaga you are just like them crooks.We all acccept them in all they are doing.Your theortical calculation supports a man on the realm of leadership which he shouldnt have from get go.Their leader and your leader Frank Bainimarama broke every rule in the book you shy away with your calculation.I wonder when will stand up for a even playing field.Paula Turaga stop and call a spade a spade.
Paul Turaga Bula Tevita Korodrau...did you have a change to watch the LA Sevens?Fiji supporters has been growing like a weeds from the land of opportunity.Spade is a spade but your obessive and faddish ritual will never ever change a single thing that you spitting out from that destructive neurons.You have some kind of frothy secretion of spittle bugs...
Pete T Isaac Tevita, couldn't help but mention FB......and I laugh. They rip what they sow, I say bring on the young, motivated and lets move on. Easily solved...
Tevita Korodrau Paula Turaga just openly confessed that it was all good when he did what he did.Tell that to your children. Tell it to Fiji,It is you in your inner conscious will know that it was wrong,wrong.
Lobustus Hindustani: Clean up should have started from the top ... this criminal murderer PS for Works by the name of Franci Kean should be sent back to jail ... then we can sort out the rest ...... life's a pitch *
Saltenberg Sorby: They are the broom Lobs, don't break the broom because you may have what you want. Kean is a nice person when you come to know him; and he's certainly a qualified professional.
Lobustus Hindustani: Do they have proof for this scam ..... its one thing to 'believe' this has happened, and another to present credible evidence that a court of law will view as having any strength .....
Kave Saukuru: How about apply the "yellow ribbon" policy,Francis Kean..??
Saltenberg Sorby: Wrong application of the 'yellow ribbon' Kave Saukuru
Kave Saukuru: The whole idea of forgive n moving on....
Lobustus Hindustani: Wow Kave ... true ... but ... if he wants to be forgiven ... then could he have forgiven those accused of this scam ... save their jobs and given another chance ?
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Tourist’s hand cut off during attack in Fiji
A Chinese tourist had his hand cut-off during an attack on Beqa island in the south of Fiji last Sunday.
It is believed that the man and his wife were disturbed in their hotel room during an attempted robbery, and the victim’s hand was severed during an ensuing scuffle.
An official at the Chinese Embassy in Suva says a man has been arrested over the attack and is before the courts.
He says the victim was sent to Australia for further hospital treatment but says his hand could not be reattached.
News Content © Radio New Zealand International
PO Box 123, Wellington, New Zealand
http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=66116
http://fijitv.info/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/11.37234020.wmv
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Frank unintentionally phasing out Fiji Military Forces
(a) the takeover is always “justified’ on a pretext which deflects focus away from the RFMF and onto the political arena
(b) there is always a destabalising “third force” which the RFMF uses as a justification for its intervention
(c) once the officers get into power, they seek to entrench that power by imposing themselves into the civilian political system and they look for positions within the civilian structure either as Govt or as administrators – they seek to change the Constitution and the legal system and thereby entrench themselves into positions of Governance
Rambo basically worked with the Taukei Movement in 1987 – he had his meetings with the leadership in the Epworth hall in downtown Suva in the period leading up to the 1987 coup d’etat – that link with the Taukei Movement allowed him to use them as destabalising “third force” which he was then able to bring into his justifications for why he did the 1987 coup detat – its the same as green flag operations - it also allowed him to have a “third force” which could raise the tempreture everytime they needed a destabalising event to give credibility to the RFMF’s ongoing “interventionist” role
basically the cover they set up was that (a) the Taukei Movement was a destabalising third force in the country (b) that destabalising third force is a serious risk for the country (c) in order to keep the country from descending into instability the RFMf has had to “step into secure the stability of the State”
of course it helped when they were in coordination with the Taukei Movement – because that gave things an air of credibility – i.e that they could present to the world a story that the Taukei movement was really a dangerous force which required the RFMf to step in and remove Parliament in order to preserve the stability of the State
in 2000 the same thing happened – similar template. the third force were the Itaukei ethnonationalists – but that one went off balance when the ethnonationalists refused to play their role of third force and instead decided they wanted to be the main force – in the end though the RFMf prevailed – the Govt was changed - and then the RFMf wanted an ongoing role in the governance of the nation which eventually led to its tension with the civilian arms of the State
so in 2006 the same template was used again – this time the political corruption was the basis for the takeover. the stated intention was that it was necessary to cleanup Fiji to ”build a better Fiji”.
we are basically developing a Pakistan dynamic - they’ve used the same templates in Pakistan to justify millitary coup d’etats - and the officer cadre have developed templates for running millitary takeovers against their Govt.
but as you can see all these destabalisation tactics have been very expensive for the country – because the millitary has eaten the biggest chunk out of the Fiji national budget since 1987 and has basically not contributed any comparable return on that money – for the amount of money which has gone into them, they should be producing a rate of return 10 times what they eat up – thats how you qualify the value – 100 million a year and the govt should be getting a return on that investment of at least 1 billion a year from the RFMF – but its nowhere near that, matter of fact its nowhere near even 10 per cent of that 100 million per year plus the blow outs to their budget they’ve been making since 2000.
all those monies should have gone into strengthening our economy and growing it – instead its gone into destabalisation activities and coup d’etats which have done nothing to develop this country, only regress its development
these things need to be looked at camly and rationally – and when you look at the numbers and look at the patterns which have developed over our last twenty four years of development vis a vis this institution called the RFMF, you will see very clearly the costs benefits for the country – and the costs have far outweighed the benefits.
nobody else destablises this country – its the RFMF. their weapons are used in coup d’etats – and the templates for destabalising the country have involved active connections between third force destabalisation groups and the RFMF – that was established clearly in 2000 when George Speight and his guys had a clear connection to the RFMF – which is how they managed to source the weapons they used in the attempted putsch.
we can’t deflect the focus onto politicians and ethnonationalists and all those guys – they don’t have the guns to mount those coup d’etats – and those groups gain strength via their connections with the RFMF – just like the militia’s in Pakistan are tied into the Pakistani ISI.
these are serious issues about our development.
and this is why the regional and international powers are moving to limit the supply of arms and hardware to the RFMF – its a process of downsizing which is now coming from without – we don’t have a say in it because the sanctions simply mean that the capabilities of the RFMF are being downgraded until eventually it will be unable to engage in these types of coup d’etats anymore, let alone peacekeeping - we are seeing the phasing out of the RFMF now – and its one of the effects of the FB coup d’etat of 2006 – probably an unintended consequence – but regardless, its now given a conceptual foundation to the regional and international powers for the implementation and ongoing build up of that millitary sanctions policy which has been in place since 2006 and which is now having effect.
thats whats unfolding now - the RFMF is being phased out – not by a Parliamentary vote in Fiji, but by the millitary sanctions being imposed on upgrades of equipment and training – not only through ANZUS, but also by the preassure being placed from ANZUS onto the other countries in the region and throughout south east asia.
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Coup d’etat’s happen because of INDISCIPLINE.
INDISCIPLINED soldiers and POORLY DISCIPLINED ARMIES do coup d’etat’s.
its a poor reflection on the organisation and its officers when a coup d’etat or a mutiny or even an attempted mutiny happens because it shows that there is:
(a) lack of discipline - a professional standing army is defined by one thing, and that is DISCIPLINE – and discipline means
(i) submitting to the lawful chain of command – and that lawful chain of command starts from Parliament within a Constitutional Democracy
(ii) following lawful orders which come down the lawful Chain of command
(iii) maintaining force coherence and unity- and that means officers within the organisation work as a cadre of professional soldiers – respect for fellow officers and professional men at arms
(iv) rigid respect for the rule of law -
to the millitary the rule of law is very important, because it has arms and an arsenal in its possession and control which places a HUGE RESPONSIBILITY and DUTY on it to ensure that those weapons and skills are NEVER USED IN ANY WAY against the State (as represented by the Parliament and the Constitution) or the people of the State for whose security it is entrusted to destabalise it, to conduct coup d’etat’s, or to use it against fellow soldiers (mutiny) or to put at risk or endanger the lives of the people of that State - the Millitary in a Parliamentary Democracy are the final guarantor of the rule of law and the stability of the State, which means that it is also its MOST ARDENT SERVANT.
it shows that:
(b) the officers have no conception of the Constitutional role of the millitary within the context of a Civilian democratic State - and thats a reflection on their training and their intellectual grounding. this is one of the things which distinguishes a professional standing army from other militia and organisations – a professional standing army is made up of officers who are cogniscant of their role within the State – and understand their role within those parameters – they have intellectual grounding which enables them to THINK on that conceptual level and to UNDERSTAND the various political and economic tensions which are at play within the State, to KNOW what their role is within that framework and MAINTAIN their discipline.
Fiji Army hollding guns on unarmed Fiji citizens
officers who have no conception of those fundamentals get drawn into the political arena because they have no control over their mind and their passions – no mental or self discipline – they are easily swayed into taking political positions and then easily drawn into taking active participation within the political framework by breaking that discipline - they are unable to contextualise their role within the broader framework of a democratic state – and thats why they cannot resist the urge to step into that arena – they become driven by their passions, not their cool professionalism and discipline - and that goes back to discipline and training – as an officer in a professional standing army, you must never be driven by your passions or your political views into entering the political arena as a player – your political views are your personal views, and whilst you are a member of the standing army of that State the whys and wherefores is not for you to decide – that is the role of Parliament – soldiers who want to engage in the politics should resign their commission and go and join a political party.
these are basic fundamentals. Force structure, Force coherence, Force unity – all those things are strategic millitary concepts but they all come down to two things DISCIPLINE and the RESPECT FOR THE RULE OF LAW.a professional and well trained and well grounded soldier understands and knows those boundries – and disciplines himself to maintain them.
tactical proficiencies in the profession of arms is just a part of that overall makeup of a professional standing army – any militia organisation can get tactical proficiency – but the difference between a professional standing army and a militia is that a Professional standing army is disciplined by a Chain of command and a command structure which comes down from a Parliament which is defined in a Constitution and over which there is a RULE OF LAW
once that discipline is broken down, you lose Force coherence – you will have internal bickering (e.g Driti and Roko Ului) and officers “falling out” – thats the sort of thing which does not happen in Professional standing army where there are rules and regulations governing conduct and where those rules are respected and where the officers have professional respect for eachother and understand their lawful duties in terms of the Chain of command – thats whats called FORCE MORALE. there is coherence in the structure which is founded on that discipline.
but really there’s no point discussing these things – at the end of the day this is an organisation which has cost this country very heavily in terms of development – it should have been an organisation which added value to the country (and it did in the past with the old guys) - but thats no longer the case today – and it can seen in whats now happening
the return from Lebanon is a case in point of how indiscipline has affected things – involvement in smuggling and blackmarketeering and improper associations with the local populace eventually led to the review of that deployment – and that all goes back to INDISCIPLINE.
now Ghanabatt runs that area of operations.
and i think its unfortunate – but is merely a reflection of the decline which has also led to the ongoing instability in this country and the coup d’etats and everything associated with that.
and that dynamic is being analysed and realised regionally and internationally – its no longer a professional standing army beholden to Parliament and the Constitution but a militia. in 1987 it was Rambo’s militia and today its Bainimarama’s militia – tommorow somebody else comes along and it becomes his militia – thats the cycle now playing out.
and which is why the gradual restrictions and sanctions on millitary hardware and equipment will invariably be increased
the same happened in the Solomons – there were sanctions and restrictions put in place to restrict the supply of arms and weapons to the Solomons Government – because the arms and ammunition of the State had been misused after the Police Force over there stopped following the lawful chain of command from Parliament and the Constitution and proceeded to use the State armoury to pursue its own political agenda – thats how the Solomons was eventually stabalised – they restricted access of arms to the State Security apparatus in the Solomons whilst they strengthened the Police structures and law ad order.
it took time, but eventually its led to a situation where the Security apparatus is no longer in a position to enact coup d’etat’s or putchses against the Parliament over there – and so now they can focus on socio economic and political development – and the results are showing – they are growing exponentially as an economy – and in turn that has had its own stabalising effect on their country – because the growth has created opportunities to spread out the wealth amongst the various communities over there – reducing the distortions and areas of societal conflict
nothing new – same dynamic.
By realjack
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STOP PLAYING PLAYERS OUT OF POSITIONS: Eddie Waqa is creating the same mistake that has brought disappointment in Fiji's performance during the Sevens Series. Last week, they thrashed Argentina and today they were alsmost defeated by the same team. Last week against Argentina, the coach put his first lineup and this week, he played Nayacalevu in the forwards, put Dan Rawaqa at halfback and played young Avinisi on the wing. Was it because we thrashed Argentina last week? We have reserve players in both forwards and backline. Yet, we still see backline players playing in the forwards and forwards playing in the backline. We were lucky to finally run away 14-12 winnig against Argentina and that only happened when the coach brought in Emosi Vucago and Kolinisau in the second spell.
---------------------------------------------------------------------- GOOD PLANNING REQUIRED TO WIN LA SEVENS Our National Sevens heroes have put the Wellington loss behind them and are now focussed on the Las Vegas Sevens. New Zealand was always going to be tough in their home soil and the loss was also a blessing to the team as they find themselves drawn in an easier pool than the champion New Zealand side. The Sevens series is a long one and winning the series requires good planning long and short term even if it requires losing a game in the pool to take an easier route to the finals as seen last weekend where they lost to Tonga and avoid New Zealand on their way to the final. It is all about getting maximum points after a tournament to keep your chances alive towards the business end of the series. Assistant coach, Etuate Waqa
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In last week's Wellington Sevens, Tonga after beating Wales, Fiji and Argentina were declared pool winners and found themselves pitted against a strong England team in the Quarterfinal. England took New Zealand to the wire in the Semifinal and were robbed of a win after one of their players was yellow carded for an offence that was only worth a penalty if not a caution.
This current Fiji team should be maintained to give us consistency in our performance. What the management need to consider now is finding a good rover to relieve the pressure off Setefano Cakau who has been jungled between the rover and hooker position during the Wellington Sevens tournament. Livai Ikanikoda played well in the Gold Coast Sevens and should be reconsidered for selection should we have any injuries from last week.
But whatever the management do to the team, just keep the Military players and coach out of the team for the moment while the team is doing well.
GO FIJI GO
Fiji now needs to beat Wales at any cost in the last pool match to progress through to the Cup quarters.
Meanwhile, Fiji defeated Argentina 31-nil in its first pool match earlier today.
In the other matches so far Wales beat Argentina 19-7, South Africa thrashed Cook Islands 43-nil.
Kenya beat Australia 35-10 while Canada beat France 19-14.
South Africa beat USA 21-nil, England beat Cook Islands 27-12 and Tonga and Wales drew 14-all.
New Zealand struggled to beat Scotland 29-7 in its first match, Samoa beat Japan 29-14 and England beat USA 29-nil.
Fiji will take on Wales at 8.12pm in its last pool match and Fiji needs a win in this match. If Fiji wins against Wales, it will either play South Africa or England in the Cup quarters.
Fiji 7s beat Argentina in opening game
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The Digicel Fiji 7s defeated Argentina by 31-0 in their first pool match of the NZ 7s.
Source: Fijivillage |
January 26, 2012
The only two surviving members in the forwards from that team that won the Gold Coast Sevens are Captain Setefano Cakau and James Brown. Jimilai Naikadawa teamed up with Vucago and Brown to help the Warriors in the final of the Uprising Sevens last weekend but yet, he has been relegated to the non-travelling reserves list.
Forcing their way back in the squad are Taniela Rawaqa, Nemani Nagusa and Metuisela Talebula.
Multi-talented Sekonaia Kalou, Jone Raqamate, Lepani Botia and brothers Waisea Vuidravuwalu and Avenisi Vusuinubu are the new faces.
Digicel Fiji 7s squad: Setefano Cakau (C), James Brown, Emosi Vucago, Lepani Botia, Sekonaia Kalou, Nemani Nagusa, Osea Kolinisau, Taniela Rawaqa, Jone Raqamate, Metuisela Talebula, Waisea Vuidravuwalu, Avenisi Vusuinubu.
Non-travelling reserves: Jimilai Naikadawa, Malakai Volau, Josateki Naisilisili and Isimeli Taqea
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“If I were to rate the teams at the Uprising tournament, I would say the Wardens should represent Fiji based on their performance and outstanding coaching know-how,” O’Connor said.
He said he won’t be surprised if the Wardens win the tournament.
“Fiji is lucky to have so many talented players. This is one of the reasons we chose to come in and take part to get our players get the feel of playing in an environment such as this.
“This is our preparation for the Series and exposing our upcoming players to this level of competition where they get to play strong teams is good enough for us. We will not get any competition like this in Australia and we are fortunate to be molded by the local teams.”
The Australia Thunderbolts lost to Wardens 15-10 in the Cup quarterfinals.
2. Apisai Domolailai
3. Nemani Nagusa
4. Samu Bola
5. Setefano Cakau
6. Dale Tonawai
7. Iliesa Nadau
8. Osea Kolinisau
9. Metuisela Talebula
10. Livai Ikanikoda
11. Jone Tiko
12. Jo Naisilisili
Manager : Semi Rogoyawa
Coach : Alifereti Dere
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Watisoni Votu at the Nadi International Airport.
Watisoni Votu, closest to camera, with Kaminie Turagava, left, Vereti Turagava, 11, and Kitiana Atani at the Nadi International Airport. The former national 7s rep will not feature at the Uprising Fiji International 7s this weekend. Picture: JAI PRASAD
SEEKING greener pastures, former Fiji rugby sevens skipper Watisoni Votu was farewelled by his loved ones at the Nadi International Airport yesterday.
After weeks of speculation, the Bukuya native jetted out to join the Newcastle Knights in the National Rugby League competition in Australia.
Votu will team-up with Fiji-born Kangaroos superstar Akuila Uate and Fiji Bati skipper Wes Naiqama.
The soft-spoken strongman remained tight-lipped about his new contract.
"I prefer not to comment now," Votu said.
The former Lautoka flyer has been a vital member of the national sevens team over the past two years since making his debut in 2009.
His mesmerising performances and all-round skills will be sorely missed.
Votu played a key role in Fiji's successes at the 2009 Hong Kong Sevens, the 2009 Wellington Sevens and the recent Gold Coast Sevens.
Wishing Votu well, national 7s mentor Alifereti Dere said his absence would not affect the performance of his troops at the next leg of the International Rugby Board Sevens World Series in New Zealand and Las Vegas next month.
The former national skipper said this would give other players the opportunity to prove their worth.
"We have capable players that can take over from Votu and we wish him (Votu) well with his new club," Dere said.
"He has given his best for Fiji at the international level and we are hopeful of producing more good players of Votu's calibre in years to come.
"Fiji is blessed with an abundance of talent."
Dere has included giant Sekonaia Kalou and hard-hitting Suva flanker Samu Bola with Setefano Cakau and Nadroga strongman Nemani Nagusa in the forwards.
Source: Fiji Times
Monday, January 15, 2012
It came as no surprise to many to hear the naming of former Naval officer, Inoke Male, as the coach of our National 15's rugby team leading up to the 2015 Rugby World Cup. Not because he is a successful coach but more so because he was a former Naval Officer. It was the same reaction by the rugby public when Alifereti Dere was named coach of the 7's team. Both have no proven record to coach and maintain a winning team in their charge. While Male may possess coaching qualifications to prove his selection, Dere only has a level 1 Certificate which did not qualify him for the position. Assistant 7's coach, Etuate Waqa is more qualified than him.
Inoke Male beats 25 other candidates who applied from overseas and locally.
Read below an article from the Fiji Village regarding his selection:
| Have faith in Male - Tikoitoga | |
| Publish date/time: 14/01/2012 [12:15] Fiji Rugby Union Chairman Colonel Mosese Tikoitoga is calling on all rugby fans to have faith in the selection of Inoke Male as the new flying Fijians coach. Tikoitoga said that he is confident former, Flying Fijians number 8 will bring the results they want if he has the support of the rugby public.. Male coached the Fiji U20 in their best ever finish in the RWC where they were ranked 6th. Also he guided Tailevu to win the Farebrother Sullivan trophy and took Vatukoula to the major union last year. His contract is for 2 years. |
Fiji 7s assistant coach Etuate Waqa says they are disappointed with the Taveuni lad (Radradra) who is expected to leave for Australia on Friday while Votu will have to indicate where his interests are.
"Semi (Radradra) to my understanding will be taking up an offer from rugby league. Just the attitude of some players, they don't come up straight with us for what they are trying to pursue next. From the information which I have recieved from the people handling him, we knew that he will not be part of this trial. As for Votu, I have to have a talk with him to find out where his interests are. He was late this morning and with the rumor of him joining Newcastle Knights, we will have to find out where he wants to be."
Trials continue in Suva while western-based reps will undergo tests in Sigatoka tomorrow. The 42-member squad will be trimmed to 16 following the Uprising Fiji 7s later this month.
Source and Photo: FBCL
