13 Years Of Revolt:

A History Of Class War

In 1995 anarchist-communists had formed Class War in Grey Lynn Auckland. For the next 12 years it was closely tied to the house in Grey Lynn where some of them lived. As well as a residence for many anarchists, the house served as a film theatre, printing press, library and micro-brewery. Visitors were welcomed with a glass of beer (if they indulged) and were encouraged to view the 16mm film collection on vintage projectors. The liquor tax (NZ$43 to the litre as of 2008) was avoided by the residents almost religiously. Discussions about anarchism and other subjects were held, Egyptology in particular was in vogue.

The printing press was housed in the lower quarters, where the majority of anarchist and fellow-traveller literature was to be produced. A glut of free paper and ink resulted in a stream of printed material. Books were printed and bound right there, in hard cover. Stickers were reported from as far afield as London. Stamps, which lampooned politicians, commemorated historic moments, celebrated the work of Dr. Seuss and honoured the printer's cats, went even further. Business cards provided us with a number of occupations and professions. Letters were posted to many of the neighborhood's residents, in support of community and political initiatives. Booklets and zines were distributed, including free copies of Albert Meltzer's "Anarchism: Arguments For And Against".

By 1998 Class War was actively intervening in the major social struggles. The campaign for free education was gaining strength at universities, with several radical groups supporting the students. Our position was that direct action was the only effective strategy. Student demonstrations brought out thousands to the streets, and several hundred of us took part in building occupations. Auckland University's registry was successfully captured, giving the cause national media coverage. The occupiers received a great deal of public support, including a delievery of free pizza from a sympathetic pizzeria. Similar occupations were to happen in Auckland, Victoria and Massey Universities until March 2000. Free education, sadly, remains a thing of the past in Aotearoa.

A fight for affordable housing reached its climax in July 1999. As Housing New Zealand introduced market rents for all its properties, thousands of tenants rent was increased by 400% or more. Len Parker, an elderly man living in a state house, barricaded himself inside in protest. Class War was in full support of Len's occupation, with a benefit concert held by local punk groups to raise funds. A month after the occupation started, the police made their way inside by cutting a hole in the roof to remove Len.

The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit was hosted in Auckland in September 1999. As the security was being prepared for the summit, members of Class War worked to undermine official plans. The National government with Jenny Shipley as PM spent millions on cleaning up the Auckland CBD of all eyesores, in particular homeless and other undesirable persons. Manholes were checked for bombs and sealed with security tape, Class War activists removed or damaged the tapes to force re-checking and set back preparations. As the summit took place, a number of activists occupied Maungakiekie/One Tree Hill Domain to draw attention to loss of sovereignty, enviromental devastation and social injustice promoted by the architects of APEC. Groups that were represented included Maori sovereignty activists, Wild Greens, Feminist Action and of course Class War. The Mayor of Auckland, Chris Fletcher, met with the representatives of the occupation (including erstwhile anarchist and Wild Green Nandor Tanzcos) and agreed to a native planting programme in the Domain.

By early 2000, the wave of radical activism seen in previous years was on the wane. A change of government in late 1999 with a Labour, Alliance and Greens - including 2 ex-anarchists among them - coming to power seemed like a breath of fresh air, but we remained skeptical. Class War itself experienced a decline in numbers, and a period of diminished activity. Liberal activists dominated left-wing social movements, bringing with them an aversion to anything except placard-waving or slogan-chanting. Direct action in general and anarchists in particular were considered to be a loony fringe, misguided at best and counter-productive at worst. Actively fighting back was something that supposedly drove people away from participation. In spite of these problems, we continued our propaganda work and our efforts to articulate ourselves politically. Much inspiration was gained from a growing anti-capitalist movement world-wide, and in particular the Black Bloc anarchists targeting major summits around the world.

Slowly as events turned in 2001, a 30 year campaign to stop logging native forests on the West Coast was victorious. The forests managed by Timberlands were finally saved from clear-cutting. Though Class War played a relatively small role overall, we supported the campaign by the way of media and word of mouth. Further anti-capitalist protests at major summits, such as the G8 at Genoa served as further inspiration and generated much publicity for the global anarchist movement. A more serious impact was made by the events of September 11th, radical groups coming under suspicion as terrorists. Class War was one of the few groups to unconditionally oppose the US military campaign in Afghanistan, with or without UN sanctions. In this way we came to play a major role in the anti-war movement that developed over the next year.

 The looming threat of war in Iraq through 2002 helped turn public opinion against US intervention. Class War was particularly active in publishing media, organising youth and radical action. Anarchist presence in the anti-war protests accounted for hundreds of individuals around the country. The moratorium on genetically modified organisms (GMOs) was due to be lifted that year, which was itself the cause of much public discontent. It was revealed that the government had imported genetically modified corn and proceeded to cover it up by Nicky Hager in his book "Seeds of Distrust". The Greens backed down from attacking their Labour partners too fiercely, struggling to maintain their legitimacy in the eyes of some environmentalists. In the run-up to the election, they were nonetheless called "Goths and anarcho-feminists" [sic]. There was a grain of truth in this: Metiria Turei was in the past affiliated with the anarcha-feminist movement and was involved in the anarcho-punk venue, social centre and infoshop "The Black Lagoon".

Foray 48B was another major event of the year. This toxic pesticide spray was used over populated areas of West Auckland for pest control. To protect corporate interests, the Labour government refused to disclose its ingredients. When these ingredients were pieced together by independent researchers, they were found to contain chemicals and bacteria that have never been trialed for safety. The experimental pesticide was widely reported to cause respiratory problems, fevers, inflamed skin and many other side effects. Some residents were sprayed as many as 40 times. Class War was particularly active in the campaign against aerial spraying, which was finally halted after much community pressure. Health monitoring was not provided for the victims, and requests for an official review were denied.

The beginning of 2003 saw some of the biggest public protests in New Zealand history. In February as many as 40 000 Aucklanders turned out to protest the impending invasion of Iraq. Public opinion was overwhelmingly against the war, as many as 92% in opposition according to contemporary polls. In typical disregard for notions of democracy, the Labour government committed combat support troops to the invasion force. In March a group of anarchists and radical activists stopped traffic in the middle of Auckland CBD for several hours by completely blocking Queen St.